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This is that matchleſs Pigs meat ſo famous far and near

Oppreſsors hearts it fills with Dread. But poor Mens hearts does cheer.

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PIGS' MEAT; OR, LESSONS FOR THE SWINISH MULTITUDE.

PUBLISHED IN WEEKLY PENNY NUMBERS, Collected by the Poor Man's Advocate (an old Veteran in the Cauſe of Freedom) in the Courſe of his Reading for more than Twenty Years.

INTENDED To promote among the Labouring Part of Mankind proper Ideas of their Situation, of their Importance, and of their Rights.

AND TO CONVINCE THEM That their forlorn Condition has not been entirely overlooked and forgotten, nor their juſt Cauſe unpleaded, neither by their Maker nor by the beſt and moſt enlightened of Men in all ages.

For the oppreſſion of the Poor, for the ſighing of the Needy, now will I ariſe, ſaith the Lord, I will ſet him in ſafety from him that puffeth at him. PSALM xii. ver. 5.
And the Lord ſaid, I have ſurely ſeen the affliction of my people which are in Egypt, and have heard their cry by reaſon of their taſk-maſters: for I know their ſorrows. EXODUS, chap. iii. ver. 7.

THE THIRD EDITION.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR T. SPENCE, AT THE HIVE OF LIBERTY, No. 8, LITTLE-TURNSTILE, HIGH-HOLBORN.

[2]

INTRODUCTION. A judicious Compiler is better than a bad Author.
THE BEE AND THE SPIDER. FROM DODSLEY'S FABLES.

‘Behold I conſpired againſt my maſter, and ſlew him: but who ſl [...]w all theſe? 2 Kings x. 9.

THE Bee and the Spider once entered into a warm debate which was the better artist. The Spider urged her ſkill in the mathematics, and aſſerted, that no one was half ſo well acquainted as herſelf with the construction of lines, angles, ſquares and circles: that the web ſhe daily wove was a ſpecimen of art inimitable by any other creature in the univerſe: and, beſides, that her works were derived from herſelf alone, the product of her own bowels; whereas the boasted honey of the Bee was stolen from every herb and flower of the field; nay, that [...]he had obligations even to the meanest weeds. To this the Bee replied, that ſhe was in hopes the art of extracting honey from the meanest weeds would at least have been allowed her as an excellence; and, that, as to her stealing ſweets from the herbs, and flowers of the field, her ſkill was therein ſo conſpicuous, that no flower ever ſuffered the least diminution of its fragrance from ſo delicate an operation. Then, as to the Spider's vaunted knowledge in the construction of lines and angles, ſhe believed ſhe might ſafely rest the merits of her cauſe on the regularity alone of her combs; but ſince ſhe could add this, the ſweetneſs and excellence of her honey, and the various purpoſes to which her wax was employed, ſhe had nothing to fear from the compariſon of her ſkill with that of the weaver of a flimſy cobweb; for the value of every art, ſhe obſerved, is chiefly to be estimated by its uſe.

FROM CATO's LETTERS. ON FREEDOM OF SPEECH.

[3]
SIR,

WITHOUT freedom of thought, there can be no ſuch thing as wiſdom; and no ſuch thing as public liberty, without freedom of ſpeech: which is the right of every man, as far as by it he does not hurt and controul the right of another; and this is the only check which it ought to ſuffer, the only bounds which it ought to know.

This ſacred privilege is ſo eſſential to free government, that the ſecurity of property and the freedom of ſpeech always go together; and in thoſe wretched countries where a man cannot call his tongue his own, he can ſcarce call any thing elſe his own. Whoever would overthow the liberty of the nation, muſt begin by ſubduing the liberty of ſpeech; a thing terrible to public traitors.

This ſecret was ſo well known to the court of King Charles the firſt, that his wicked miniſtry procured a proclamation to forbid the people to talk of parliaments, which thoſe traitors had laid aſide. To aſſert the undoubted right of the ſubject, and defend his majeſty's legal prerogative, was called diſaffection, and puniſhed as ſedition. Nay, people were forbid to talk of religion in their families: for the prieſts too had combined to cook up tyranny, and ſuppreſs truth and the law. While the late King James, when Duke of York, went avowedly to maſs, men were fined, impriſoned, and undone, for ſaying he was a papiſt: and that King Charles the ſecond might live more ſecurely a papiſt, there was an act of parliament made, declaring it treaſon to ſay that he was one.

That men ought to ſpeak well of their governors, is true, while their governors deſerve to be well ſpoken of; but to do public miſchief without hearing of it, is only the prerogative and felicity of [4]tyranny; a free people will be ſhewing they are [...]o, by their freedom of ſpeech.

The adminiſtration of government is nothing elſe but the attendance of the truſtees of the people, upon the intereſt and affairs of the people. And as it is the part and buſineſs of the people, for whoſe ſake alone all public matters are, or ought to be tranſacted, to ſee whether they be well or ill tranſacted; ſo it is the intereſt, and ought to be the ambition, of all honeſt magiſtrates, to have their deeds openly examined, and publicly ſcanned: only the wicked governors of men dread what is ſaid of them.

Freedom of ſpeech is the great bulwark of liberty; they proſper and die together: and it is the terror of traitors and oppreſſors, and a barrier againſt them. It produces excellent writers, and encourages men of fine genius. Tacitus tells us, that the Roman commonwealth bred great and numerous authors, who wrote with equal boldneſs and eloquence: but when it was enſlaved, thoſe great wits were no more. Tyranny had uſurped the place of equality, which is the ſoul of liberty, and deſtroyed public courage. The minds of men, terrified by unjuſt power, degenerated into all the vileneſs and methods of ſervitude: abject, ſycophancy and blind ſubmiſſion grew the only means of preferment, and indeed of ſafety; men durſt not open their mouths but to flatter.

Pliny the younger obſerves, that this dread of tyranny had ſuch effect, that the ſenate, the great Roman ſenate, became at laſt ſtupid and dumb. Hence, ſays he, our ſpirit and genius are ſtupified, broken and ſunk for ever. And in one of his epiſtles, ſpeaking of the works of his uncle, he makes an apology for eight of them, as not written with the ſame vigour which was to be found in the reſt; for that theſe eight were written in the reign of Nero, when the ſpirit of writing was cramped with fear.

[5]I have long thought that the world are very much miſtaken in their idea and diſtinction of libels. It has been hitherto generally underſtood that there are no other libels but thoſe againſt magiſtrates, and thoſe againſt private men: now to me there ſeems to be a third ſort of libels, full as deſtructive as any of the former can poſſibly be, I mean libels againſt the people. It was otherwiſe at Athens and Rome; where, though, particular men, and even great men, were often treated with much freedom and ſeverity, when they deſerved it; yet the people, the body of the people, were ſpoken of with the utmoſt regard and reverence; the ſacred privileges of the people, the inviolable majeſty of the people, and the unappealable judgment of the people, were phraſes common in thoſe wiſe, great, and free cities. Other modes of ſpeech are ſince grown faſhionable, and popular madneſs is now almoſt proverbial; but this madneſs of theirs, whenever it happens, is derived from external cauſes. Oppreſſion, they ſay, will make a wiſe man mad; and deluſion has not leſs force; but where there are neither oppreſſion nor impoſters, the judgment of the people in the buſineſs of property, the preſervation of which is the principal buſineſs of government, does rarely err. Perhaps they are deſtitute of grimace, myſtery, reſerve, and other accompliſhments of courtiers; but as theſe are only maſks to conceal the abſence of honeſty and ſenſe, the people, who poſſeſs as they do th [...] ſubſtance, have reaſon to deſpiſe ſuch inſipid and contemptible ſhadows.

Machiavel, in the chapter where he proves that a multitude is wiſer and more conſtant than a prince, complains, that the credid which the people ſhould be in declines daily: For, ſays he, every man has liberty to ſpeak what he pleaſes againſt them, but againſt a prince no man can talk without a thouſand apprehenſions and dangers. I have indeed [6]often wondered, that the inveighing againſt the intereſt of the people, and calling their liberties in queſtion, as has been, and is commonly done amongſt us by old knaves and young fools, has never been made an expreſs crime.

I muſt own, I know not what treaſon is, if ſapping and betraying the liberties of a people be not treaſon, in the eternal and original nature of things. Let it be remembered for whoſe ſake government is, or could be appointed; then let it be conſidered who are more to be regarded, the governors, or the governed; they indeed owe one another mutual duties; but if there be any tranſgreſſions committed, the ſide that is moſt obliged, ought doubtleſs to bear the moſt: and yet it is ſo far otherwiſe, that almoſt all over the earth, the people, for one injury that they do their governors, receive ten thouſand from them: any, in ſome countries, it is made death and damnation, not to bear all the oppreſſions and cruelties which men, made wanton by power, inflict upon thoſe that gave it them.

The truth is; If the people are ſuffered to keep their own, it is the moſt th [...]t they deſire: but even that is a happineſs which in few places falls to their lot; they are frequently robbed by thoſe whom they pay to protect them. I know that it is a general charge againſt the people. that they are turbulent, reſtleſs, fickle, and unruly; than which there can be nothing more untrue, for they are only ſo, where they are made ſo. As to their being fickle, it is ſo falſe, that, on the contrary, they have almoſt ever a ſtrong bent to received cuſtoms, and as ſtrong a partiality to names and families that they have been uſed to: and as to their being turbulent, it is as falſe; ſince there is ſcarce and example in an hundred years of any people's giving governors any uneaſineſs, till their governors had made them uneaſy: nay, for the moſt part, they bear many evils without returning one, and ſeldom throw off their burdens ſo long as they can ſtand under them.

From Swift's Sermon on Falſe Witneſs.

[7]

A Second way by which a man becometh a falſe witneſs, is, when he mixeth falſehood and truth together, or concealeth ſome circumſtances, which, if they were told, would deſtroy the falſehoods he uttered. So the two falſe witneſſes who accuſed our Saviour before the chief prieſts, by a very little perverting his words, would have made him guilty of a capital crime; for ſo it was among the Jews to prophecy any evil againſt the temple. This fellow ſaid, I am able to deſtroy the Temple of God, and to rebuild it again in three days ; whereas the words, as our Saviour ſpoke them, were to another end, and differently expreſſed; for when the Jews aſked him to ſhew them a ſign, he ſaid, Deſtroy this Temple, and in three days I will raiſe it up. In ſuch caſes as theſe, an innocent man is half confounded, and looketh as if he were guilty, ſince he neither can deny his words, nor perhaps readily ſtrip them from the malicious additions of a falſe witneſs.

Thirdly, A man is a falſe witneſs, when, in accuſing his neighbour, he endeavoureth to aggravate, by his geſtures and tone of his voice, or when he chargeth a man with words, which were only repeated o [...] quoted from ſomebody elſe. As if any one ſhould tell me that he heard another ſpeak certain dangerous and ſeditious ſpeeches, and I ſhould immediately accuſe him for ſpeeking them himſelf; and ſo drop the only circumſtance that made him innocent. This was the caſe of St. Stephen. The falſe witneſſes ſaid, This man ceaſ [...]th not to ſpeak blaſphemous words againſt this holy place and the law . Whereas St. Stephen ſaid no ſuch words, but only repeated ſome propheſies of Jeremiah or Malachi. which threatened Jeruſalem with deſtruction if it did not repent: [8]However, by the fury of the people, this innocent holy perſon was ſtoned to death, for words he never ſpoke.

Fourthly, The blackeſt kind of falſe witneſſes, are thoſe who do the offices of the devil, by tempting their brethren in order to betray them, I cannot call to mind any inſtances of this kind mentioned in holy ſcripture; but I am afraid this vile practice hath been too much followed in the world. When a man's temper hath been ſo ſoured by his misfortunes and hard uſage, that perhaps he hath reaſon enough to complain; then one of theſe ſeducers, under the pretence of friendſhip, will ſeem to lament his caſe, urge the hardſhips he hath ſuffered, and endeavour to raiſe his paſſions, until he hath ſaid ſomething that a malicious informer can pervert or aggravate againſt him in a court of juſtice.

Fifthly, Whoever beareth witneſs againſt his neighbour, out of a principle of malice and revenge, from any old grudge, or hatred to his perſon; ſuch a man is a falſe witneſs in the ſight of God, although what he ſays be true; becauſe the motive or cauſe is evil, not to ſerve his prince or country, but to gratify his own reſentments. And therefore, although a man thus accuſed, may be very juſtly puniſhed by the law, yet this doth by no means acquit the accuſer, who, inſtead of regarding the public ſervice, intended only to glut his private rage and ſpite.

Sixthly, I number among falſe witneſſes, all thoſe who make a trade of being informers, in hope of favour and reward; and to this end employ their time, either by liſtening in public places, to catch up an accidental word, or in corrupting men's ſervants to diſcover any unwary expreſſion of their maſter; or thruſting themſelves into company, and then uſing the moſt indecent ſcurrilous language; faſtening a thouſand falſehoods and [9]ſcandals upon a whole party, on purpoſe to provoke ſuch an anſwer as they may turn to an accuſation: And truly this ungodly race is ſaid to be grown ſo numerous, that men of different parties can hardly converſe together with any ſecurity. Even the pulpit hath not been free from the miſrepreſentations of theſe informers; of whom the clergy have not wanted occaſions to complain with holy David: They daily miſtake my words, all they imagine is to do me evil. Nor is it any wonder at all, that this trade of informing ſhould be now in a flouriſhing condition. ſince our caſe is manifeſtly thus; we are divided into two parties, with very little charity or temper toward each other: the prevailing ſide may talk of paſt things as they pleaſe with ſecurity, and generally do it in the moſt provoking words they can invent: while thoſe who are down, are ſometimes tempted to ſpeak in favour of a loſt cauſe, and therefore without great caution, muſt needs be often caught tripping, and thereby furniſh plenty of materials for witneſſes and informers.

Laſtly, Thoſe may well be reckoned among falſe witneſſes againſt their neighbour, who bring him into trouble and puniſhment by ſuch accuſations as are of no conſequence at all to the public, nor can be of any other uſe but to create vexation. Such witneſſes are thoſe who cannot hear an idle intemperate expreſſion, but they muſt immediately run to the magiſtrate to inform; or perhaps wrangling in their cups over night, when they were not able to ſpeak or apprehend three words of common ſenſe, will pretend to remember every thing in the morning, and think themſelves very properly qualified to be accuſers of their brethren.

It might perhaps be thought proper to have added ſomething by way of advice to thoſe who are unhappily engaged in this abominabe trade and [10]ſin of bearing falſe witneſs; but I am far from believing or ſuppoſing any of that deſtructive tribe are now my hearers. I look upon them as a ſort of people that ſeldom frequent theſe holy places, where they can hardly pick up any materials to ſerve their turn, unleſs they think it worth their while to miſrepreſent or pervert the words of the preacher: and whoever is that way diſpoſed, I doubt cannot be in a very good condition to edify and reform himſelf by what he heareth. God in his mercy preſerve us all from the guilt of this grievous ſin, forbidden in my text and from the ſnares of thoſe who are guilty of it!

I ſhall conclude with one or two precepts given by Moſes from God to the children of Iſrael, in the xxiii. of Exod. 1.2.

Thou ſhalt not raiſe a falſe report: put not thine hand with the wicked, to be an unrighteous witneſs.

Thou ſhalt not follow a multitude to do evil, neither ſhalt thou ſpeak in a cauſe to decline after many, to wreſt judgment.

Now to God the father, &c.

SOME CAUSES OF ENGLISH MISERY.

NOTWITHSTANDING the improvements, the capital is become an overgrown monſter; which, like a dropſical head, will in time leave the body and extremities without nouriſhment and ſupport, The abſurdity will appear in it full force; when we conſider, that one ſixth part of the natives of this whole extenſive kingdom, is crowded within the bills of mortality.

What wonder that our villages are depopulated and our farms in want of day labours: The abolition of ſmall farms, is but one cauſe of the decreaſe [11]of population. Indeed, the incredible increaſe of horſes and black cattle, to anſwer the purpoſes of luxury, requires a prodegious quantity of hay and graſs, which are raiſed and managed without much labour; but a number of hands will always be wanted for the different branches of agriculter, whether the farms be large or ſmall. The tide of luxury has ſwept all the inhabitants from the open country—the pooreſt ſquire, as well as the richeſt peer, muſt have his houſe in town, and make a figure with an extraordinary number of domeſtics. The plough boys', cow herds, and lower kinds, are debauched and ſeduced by the appearance and diſcourſe of thoſe coxcombs in livery, when they make their ſummer excurtions, they deſert their dirt and drudgery, and ſwarm up to London, in hopes of getting into ſervice, where they can live luxuriouſly, and wear fine cloaths, without being obliged to work; for idleneſs is natural to man.— Great numbers of thoſe being diſappointed in their expectation, become thieves and ſharpers.

ON THE EXECUTION OF LOUIS CAPAT. From a Pamphlet entitled. "Peace and Union."

LOUIS CAPET has afforded an excellent topick for parliamentary declamation. Let us ſtrip the ſubject of figures of rhetorick, and no Engliſhman need be alarmed at the execution of and individual at Paris. Louis Capet was once King of France, and entitled to the honours of that exalted ſtation. The ſupreme power of the nation declared that France ſhould be a Republic; from that moment Louis Capet loſt his titles. He was accuſed of enormous crimes, confined as a ſtate priſoner, tried by the National Convention, found guilty, condemned, and executed. What [12]is there wonderful in all this? Our revolution, the boaſt of the preſent days, purſued the ſame conduct as nearly as poſſible. Our Convention declared, that James the Second ſhould be no longer king; it did not chuſe to aboliſh kingſhip, but dignified William the Third with regal honours. James was ſtripped of his titles, and became plain James Stuart, and the rebublican William became a ſovereign. James was not tried, condemned, and executed, becauſe he ſaved his life by flight: but the laws againſt himſelf and his ſon, and the proceedings in the years fifteen and forty-five, muſt convince the moſt ſuperficial reaſoner, that the maxims of the Engliſh and French nations, with reſpect to the dethroning of kings, are exactly the ſame. But ſome one will ſay, Louis Capet was unjuſtly condemned. Ninety-nine out of a hundred, who make this objection, have not given themſelves the trouble of examining the records of the trial; and why ſhould I give greater credit to the remaining objector than to the verdict of the court? If Louis Capet did when king encourage the invaſion of his country, however, we may be inclined to pity the unfortunate man, for the error of his conduct, we have no right to proclaim him innocent in pomt of law. It is, in ſhort, no buſineſs of ours; and if all the crowned heads in the continent are taken off, it is no buſineſs of ours. We ſhould be unworthy of the conſtitution ſettled at the revolution, and enemies to the Brunſwick families now ſeated on our throne, if we denied to any nation the right of ſettling, as it pleaſed, its own internal government. Theſe ſentiments do not prevent us from commiſerating the ſituation of the French refugees. They are entitled to our compaſſion; and it is but right that we ſhould attend to their diſtreſſes, ſince foreign countries have been put to the expence of maintaining thoſe refugees from our own [13]iſland, who, for their attachment to an ancient family, were, by the rigour of the two foreign reigns, ſubjected to all the penalties exacted from recuſant by the preſent government in France.

ON POLITICAL SUPERSTITION.
[From Barlow's Advice to the Privileged Orders.]

THERE is another conſideration from which we may argue the total extinction of wars, as a neceſſary conſequence of eſtabliſhing governments on the repreſentative wiſdom of the people. We are all ſenſible that ſuperſtition is a blemiſh of human nature, by no means confined to ſubjects connected with religion. Political ſuperſtition is almoſt as ſtrong as religious; and it is quite as univerſally uſed as an inſtrument of tyranny. To enumerate the variety of ways in which this inſtrument operates on the mind, would be more difficult than to form a general idea of the reſult of its operations. In monarchies it induces men to ſpill their blood for a particular family, or for a particular branch of that family who happens to have been born firſt, or laſt; or to have been taught to repeat a certain creed, in preference to other creeds. But the effect which I am going chiefly to notice, is that which reſpects the territorial boundaries of a government. For a man in Portugal of Spain to prefer belonging to one of thoſe nations rather than the other, is as much ſuperſtition, as to prefer the houſe of Braganza to that of Bourbon, or Mary the ſecond of England to her brother. All theſe ſubjects of preference ſtand upon the ſame footing as the turban and the hat, the croſs and the creſcent, or, the lily and the roſe.

The boundaries of nations have been fixed for the accommodation of the government, without the leaſt regard to the convenience of the people. Kings [14]and miniſters, who make a profitable trade of governing, are intereſted in extending the limits of their dominion as far as poſſible. They have a property in the people, and in the territory that they cover. The country and its inhabitants are to them a farm ſtocked with ſheep. When they call up theſe ſheep to be ſheared, they teach them to know their names, to follow their maſter, and avoid a ſtranger. By this unaccountable impoſition it is, that men are led from one extravagant folly to another,—to adore their king, to boaſt of their nation, and to wiſh for conqueſt,—circumſtances equally ridiculous in themſelves, and equally incomp [...]table with that rational eſtimation of things, which ariſes from the ſcience of liberty.

FROM MERRY's ODE, For the 14th. of July, 1791.

HAVE kings and nobles rights alone?
Is this prolific globe their own?
And is the mingled maſs beſide,
Form'd as the creature of their pride?
Not, ſo,—the dire deception o'er,
Mankind can now mankind adore;
Nor bauble crowns, nor regal toys,
Shall ch [...]at them of their natural joys,
Nor ſhall they more, by artifice ſubdued,
Kiſs the oppreſſor's rod, "A SWINISH MULTITUDE."
Have not the titled ſons of earth,
Uſurp [...]d prerogative of birth;
As though appropriate to deſcent,
Were high and noble ſentiment?
What ſentiments can noble be,
But thoſe of truth and liberty?
And what can dignity diſpenſe,
But juſtice and benevolence?
And are not theſe the common ſhare,
Of all who breathe this vital air?
[15]And has not kind impartial Heav'n,
To every rank an equal feeling given?
Virtue alone ſhould vice ſubdue,
Nor are THE MANY baſer than THE FEW.

The Effects of War on the Poor.
(From Mr. Frend's Pamphlet entitled, "Peace and Union.")

THREE days after the debate on the king's meſſage, I was walking from my friend's houſe to the neighbouring town, to inſpect the printing of theſe few ſheets, and in my way joined company with two men of the village, who, being employed by the Wool-ſtaplers to let out ſpinning to the poor, had lately received orders to lower the value of labour. We were talking on this ſubject, when the exclamations of a groupe of poor women going to market, overhearing our converſation, made an impreſſion on my mind which all the eloquence of the Houſes of Lords and Commons cannot efface.— We are to be ſconced three pence in the ſhilling; let others work for me, I'll not. We are to be ſconced a fourth part of our labour. What is all this for? I did not dare to tell them what it was for, nor to add inſult to miſery. What is the beheading of a monarch to them? What is the navigation of the Scheldt to them? What is the freedom of a great nation to them, but reaſon for joy? Yet the debating only on theſe ſubjects has reached their cottages. They are already ſconced three-pence in the ſhilling. What muſt be their fate, when we ſuffer under the moſt odious ſcourge of the human race, and the accumulation of taxes takes away half of that daily bread which is ſcarce ſufficient at preſent for their ſupport?

Oh! that I had the warning voice of an ancient Prophet, that I might penetrate into the inmoſt receſſes [16]of palaces, and appal the harranguers of ſenates. I would uſe no other language than that of the poor market-women. I would cry aloud in the ears of the firſt magiſtrate: We are ſconced three-pence in the ſhilling, the fourth part of our labour, for what? I would addreſs myſelf to the deliberating bodies: We are ſconced three pence in the ſhilling, the fourth part of our labour, for what? Is there a man that could ſtand out againſt this eloquence? Yes. Thouſands. Three-pence in the ſhilling for ſpinning conveys no ideas to them. They know not what a cottage is, they know not how the poor live, how they make up their ſcanty meal. Perhaps there may be ſome one in our Houſe of Commons, whoſe feelings are in union with mine; communicate them to your colleagues, impreſs them with the horror attendant on their deliberations; tell them what the deduction of three-pence in the ſhilling occaſions among the myriads of England, And ſhould any grave courtier, pitying the diſtreſſes of the poor, be anxious to relieve them, ſay to him, There is an eaſy method: let the firſt magiſtrate, the peers, the repreſentatives of the people, the rich men of the nation, all who are for war, be ſconced one fourth part of their annual income to defray the expence of it. Let them be the firſt ſufferers, let the burden fall on them not on the poor. Alas! my poor countrymen how many years calamity awaits you, before a ſingle diſh or a glaſs of wine will be withdrawn from the tables of opulence!

At this moment, perhaps the decree is gone forth for war. Let others talk of glory, let others celebrate the heroes, who are to deluge the world with blood—the words of the poor market-women will ſtill reſound in my ears—We are ſconced three-pence in the ſhilling, one fourth of our labour. For what!!!

A Prognoſtic of the French Revolution. CHESTERFIELD TO HIS SON.

[17]

I Received this moment your letter of the 19th, N. S. with the encloſed pieces relative to the preſent diſpute between the king and the parliament I ſhall return them by Lord Huntingdon, whom you will ſoon ſee at Paris, and who will likewiſe carry you the piece, which I forgot in making up the packet I ſent you by the Spaniſh Ambaſſador. The repreſentation of the parliament is very well drawn, ſuavitor in modo, fortiter in re. They tell the king very reſpectfully that in a certain caſe, which they ſhould think it criminal to ſuppoſe, they would not obey him. This hath a tendency to, what we call here revolution principles. I do not know what the Lord's anointed, his vicegerent upon earth, divinely appointed by him, and accountable to none but him for his actions, will either think or do, upon theſe ſymptoms of reaſon and good ſenſe, which ſeem to be breaking out all over France; but this I foreſee, that before the end of this century, the trade of both king and prieſt will not be half ſo good a one as it has been. Du Clos, in his Reflections, hath obſerved, and very truly, qu'il y a un germe raſion qui commence â ſe dêveloper en France. A developpement that muſt prove fatal to regal and papal pretenſions. Prudence may, in many caſes recommend an occaſional ſubmiſſion to either; but when that ignorance, upon which an implicit faith in both could only be founded, is once removed, God's vicegerent, and Chriſt's vicar, will only be obeyed and believed, as far as what the one orders, and the other ſays, is conformable to reaſon and truth.

A LESSON FOR ANTIGALLICANS.
Extracts from a pamphlet, enti [...]led "A Tour through the Theatre of War, in the Months of November and December, 1792, and January 1793."

[18]

—THERE is a vice in the civil polity of almoſt every ſtate in Europe, that is neceſſarily the parent of revolution, creating all the miſery-and crimes that afflict the great maſs of mankind, and driving them to inſurrection as a laſt reſource. The government draws the money out of the pockets of the poor, to give it, under the denomination of places and penſions, to the rich. The rich avail themſelves of this to accumulate property; till at laſt their coloſſal ſtride reaches from province to province, and the whole land, that ſeems the birth right of the community, is monopolized by a few individuals. The reſt of the nation is then left at their mercy; and both the knowledge of mankind and experience prove, that the reſt of the nation have nothing to hope for at their hands, but what they can obtain by making their own ſubſervient to the ſupport, the luxury, and the pleaſure of their lordly maſters, who always take care that the ſalary of their day's labour ſhall be preciſely enough to ſupply reſt and ſtrength for the labours of the next. Thus are they reduced to more working automata, with neither the means nor leiſure neceſſary to acquire inſtruction, or to ſoften their manners to ſocial intercourſe and enjoyments; and thus is the human ſpecies degraded, The evil, by a neceſſary progreſſion, grows greater; for the number of rich growing ſmaller, proportion as the moſt wealthy ſwallow up the reſt, the demand for labour becomes leſs, while the competition for employment increaſes. A harder bargain is conſequently made, till at laſt the point of ſufferance is paſt, the boaſt of burden kicks the load off his back, turns to a beaſt of prey, tears every thing he meets with to pieces, and takes a blind and furious vengeance [19]for all the oppreſſion he has ſuffered. Of this continued the Frenchinan with a ſigh, my country is a lamentable example.

After this monopoly of landed property, the grand ſource of human vices and misfortunes. the greateſt ſcourge that can afflict a people is an extenſiv [...] foreign commerce. If by the nation be underſtood a few merchants. ſhip owners. ſhip's huſbands, brokers, bankers manufact [...]re [...]s, and fiſcal officers, the nation is indeed proſperous when trade is in a thriving ſtate. But if by the nation we may be allowed to underſtand all thoſe not compriſed in the above deſcription, that is to ſay at leaſt nine-tenths of the community, the caſe is the reverſe. It is ſelf evident, that foreign commerce can only conſiſt of exportation and importation, [...]leſs indeed where a people ſhould be merely brokers and carriers for others. It is equally evident, that a country can only export what is produced by the labour of its inhabitants on the ſoil. or by their drudgery in manufactures If then no part of what is imported comes to the ſhare of thoſe who drudge and toil. can it be denied that they give up eaſe, plenty and leiſure, for nothing? that the neceſſaries of life, the enjoyments, and repoſe of the many, are ſacrificed to feed the luxury of the few? What a noble export trade does Ireland carry on in beef, pork, butter, and flour! Well, what does the nation at large. that live in that fertile country get in return? The advantage of never laſting meat, bread, or butter: of feed [...]ng on potatoes and butter-milk, and ſleeping among the litter of their pigs; all which their noble landlords while drinking French wines, and wearing French ſilks, aſſure us is vaſtly conducive to their health! Oh! but in ſome other countries thoſe who furniſh all the exports, obtain a ſmall portion of the returns. Yes; from America a noxious and intoxicating weed, an enervating drink from Aſia, and from the other parts of Europe liquid poiſons, that do indeed for a moment [20]make them forget the ſacrifice they coſt.

This evil is the offspring of the former; for if property were divided with any tolerable equality, a man would begin by providing amply for his ſupport, comfort, and enjoyment; and would only ſuffer the ſurplus to be exchanged for foreign ſuperfluities; nor would he for ſuperfluities condemn himſelf to inceſſant labour. I have made an exact calculation, continued he; and I find that four hours of work in a day, in our temperate climates, would ſuffice for the ſubſiſtence of a man and his family. Thoſe that remain would afford him leiſure for inſtruction and reflection; and it would then become impoſſible for ſuch men to be impoſed upon by the cant of a few intereſted individuals, who aſſure them that the nation has reached the higheſt pitch of proſperity, becauſe they themſelves have obtained every gratification o [...] not and luxury that they can deviſe. But to keep men ignorant, you muſt make them work, and to make them work you muſt keep them ignorant. This is the eternal circle in which rolls the torrent of abuſe. I have often heard it ſaid, that Heaven made ſome for enjoyment, and ſome for toil. I confeſs that I cannot myſelf ſee, why thoſe who do nothing ſhould have all, and why thoſe who do all ſhould have nothing.

He hold a number of political tenets more extraordinary ſtill. He ſaid, when wars were declared by the caprice, or for the intereſts of kings, that kings alone ſhould fight the battles; that i [...] a nation at large were conſulted, hoſtilities would rarely occur; that a country ſhould never engage in a war in defence of a ſtate, on which it is found it cannot depend for defence; that a miniſter who ſhould attempt to embroil his country for futile or inſufficient reaſons, ſhould be ſent abroad, to fulfil in perſon the engagements he might have made; that the beſt way to prevent wars would be for every one to underſtand the uſe [...] which is [21]indeed the bounden duty of every freeman; for without the means of reſiſting oppreſſion, who can fla [...]ter himſelf that he is free?—A large ſtate would then be unattackable, and the fee ſimple of a ſmall one would not be worth the conqueſt.

He ſaid, that magiſtrates, who ſhould aſſume no improper power, could never be afraid of its being wreſted out of their hand; and that the majori [...]y of a nation has a right to a bad government, upon the abſurd ſuppoſition of its chuſing ſuch a one, in preference to a good one's b [...]ing thruſt down their throats. But theſe and many other of his ſtrange opinions, I forbear to mention, leſt I ſhould expoſe my new acquaintance to the cenſure of

Thoſe wholeſale c [...]tics, that in Coffee.
Houſes cry down all philoſophy.

All along the road from Calais to Dunkirk, from Dunkirk to Liſle, add from Liſle to Valenciennes we hardly ſaw a man that had not aſſumed ſome, thing of a military garb and appearance. Some had a ſword and belt thrown over their ſhoulder, ſome had a feather in their hats, and ſome were fully accoutred. In a word, or rather in the words of Shakeſpeare, we found them

All furniſh'd, all in arms,
All plum'd like eſt [...]id [...]es.

The diligence with which they were practiſing the military exerciſe in many places, and the heartineſs in the cauſe that they expreſſed in all would have ſufficed to convince us, that the idea many people in England affect to entertain of a ſmall faction domineering it over the whole nation, was totally deſtitute of foundation, had any proof been wanting to overthrow an opinion ſo indefenſible. How is it poſſible for a ſmall part to oppreſs the whole, when all are armed? Yes: but the party averſe to the revolutioniſts, though the moſt numerous, are afraid to ſhew themſelves.—Why, then what a wretched opinion muſt they have of their [22]cauſe, or what ſorry daſtards muſt they be? However, to "make aſſurance doubly ſure," I converſed with numbers of people, of all ranks, on my way and found them, with very few exceptions, agreed upon the great principle of liberty. They frequently lamented that many unwiſe ſteps had been taken by their repreſentatives, and reprobated the infamous crimes of particular factions; but they conſidered them, at the ſame time, as partial and accidental abuſes of a ſyſtem generally and eſſentially good. Here and there I met with a man, who openly regretted the old government: nor was it a little remarkable, that the greateſt ariſtocrats I heard ſpeak of politics, were employed by the new government in the civil and military line. Let it however be remembered, that the Department of the north is one of thoſe the moſt ſuſpected of ariſtocracy,

On December 6th we ſet off for Bruſſels. Deſirous of not meeting with the ſame difficulties in our way that we had experienced in coming from Valenciennes, we hi [...]e [...]i an excellemt carriage, with four horſes. This was the more neceſſary, as we did not leave Mons till the morning was far advanced. We found the roads entirely covered with convoys going to the army, with detachments of troops, and with ſtraggling ſoldiers trudging on to join their reſpective regiments.

A thaw had lately taken place, the carriages deprived them of the benefit of the pavement, and they were obliged to wade through mud half way up their legs. Yet ſtill their native gaiety ſupported them, and on they went, ſinging ca ira, and other patriotic tunes. We took up behind us two of th [...]ſe that ſeemed the moſt tired. It is only giving a florin or two more to the coachman, ſaid my companion, and ſleeping in the ſuperbs inſtead of the town A little further on, as we were going ſlowly up a hill, I ſaw a young lad walking very [23]lame, and loſing his ſhoe at every moment in the mud. As he did not call upon peſtilence and the devil to run away with them, and the road into the bargain, I was ſure he could not be a Frenchman. although he had the national uniform on his back. We aſked him if he alſo would get up behind, and he joyfully accepted our offer. But as the weather was cold, and he ſeemed weakly, we ſoon after found means to make room for him in our carriage. I then aſked him if he had been wounded.—Dieu merci! he had only been cut down at the battle of Jemappe, and then wounded in the foot, while lying on the ground, which was the reaſon of his walking ſo lame. I told him he was too young to run ſuch hazards, and bear the fatigues of a military life. Too young! ſaid he, with a proud ſmile, that ill concealed a little indignation; too young! why I am now nineteen, and near three years ago was ſhot through the body in the Belgic war. He added that at the beginning of the preſent campaign he had been ill of a fever; that he had been ſent to the hoſpital at Maubeuge; that in the time of his convaleſcence, he had walked out with ſome of his comrades; that they had fallen in with a party of French, who were engaged with the enemy at Griſoelle; that he had taken up a dead man's muſket to have his ſhot, tout comme un autre; and that a ball from the rifle gun of a Tyrolian chaſſeur, had hit him in the neck.

When I enquired into the motives of his taking up arms, he ſaid he had been on the ſide of the patriots before, and had heard that they were up again, and ſo he had l [...]ft his home at Namur, where he had a father, a mother, and a little ſiſter aſſez aimable, and he would leave them again, as ſoon as it ſhould pleaſe God and the bleſſed Virgin to cure the lameneſs of his foot; for a patriot ſhould always fight for his country, and ſhould not mind a wound or two, or a little pain, in a good cauſe. I am now [24]going to Bruſſels, ſaid he, to ſee ſome relations I have there.—Go where thou wilt, ſaid I to myſelf, thou art a brave youth, and not only a patriot but a philoſopher, although I verily believe thou doſt not know the meaning of the word.

Gaiety was ever the Frenchman's birth-right, but never was it ſo ſtrongly exhibited as ſince they have been animated by the ſpirit of Patriotiſm. This cheerfulneſs is always accompanied by another characteriſtic of the nation; an uncommon degree of careleſſneſs and diſregard of danger. In the plains of Champaigne, the two armies were often in ſight and almoſt within ſhot of each other: At ſuch times, there ſtood the Pruſſians menacing a charge, in regular array, with ſupported arms, and motionleſs as ſtatues; and here were the French, dancing in rings around their fires, and broiling their meat on the points of their bayonets.

On a march, woe to the game that gets up before them; a hundred ſoldiers are ſure to ſend after it the contents of their muſkets, not without danger of ſhooting their comrades, Even the preſence of the enemy is inſufficient to correct this deviation from diſcipline. It once happened, as a battalion of volunteers was advancing to the attack, in the momentary expectation of receiving and returning the enemy's fire, that they trod up a ſolitary hare. As ſhe run along the line, ſhe was ſaluted with an univerſal ſhout, and with a ſhot or two at leaſt from every company ſhe paſſed. The fugitive however eſcaped it being no eaſy matter to kill ſo ſmall an animal with a ſingle ball.

The old animoſity, and falſe point of honour, that uſed to ſet regiment againſt regiment, and man againſt man, and that were ſuppoſed every year to coſt the ſtate the lives of five hundred ſoldiers, are ſo much forgot, that a duel is now a thing of very unfrequent occurrence. It was predicted, that endleſs diſſenſions and jealouſies [25]would embroil the regular troops with the national guards, but theſe fears were ſo ill founded, that it is impoſſible to conceive an army living in more univerſal harmony than that of Dumourier. At public and private tables, nothing is more common than to ſee the ſhoulder-knot of a grenadier touching the epaulet of a Colonel; nor does this vicinage ſeem to ſurpriſe either party. The one ſhews no haughtineſs, the other no ſervility, and both interchange upon equal terms the ſalutation of Citizen or Comrade. Though a ſtranger may be ſtartled at it at firſt, his wonder diminiſhes when he finds that not a few of the common national volunteers are men of property, ſome of them poſſeſſing ten, twenty, and thirty thouſand livres a year. Many of thoſe I ſpoke with ſupported well the national character of politeneſs, but they had diſcarded the frivolous flippancy that was but too frequently its companion. They aſſumed no credit for their courage, ſpoke of their giving up eaſe and comfort to encounter the danger and hardſhips of a military life, as only diſcharging a debt they owed to their country; lamented its being deſolated by war and faction; and vowed to ſee their enemies humbled, or to ſleep in the duſt. I liſtened to them with admiration, and, God and Mr. Burke forgive me, I thought I ſhould have diſgraced them by a compariſon with the defunct chivalry of France.

Many of the officers, many even of the ſuperior ranks, have been raiſed from that of a private ſoldier. In a ball or drawing-room, they would, no doubt, make an aukward figure; but ſurely, after a long apprenticeſhip to war, they are as fit to lead a company or a battalion into the fire, as a giddy and beardleſs boy, juſt broke looſe from the military ſchool.

Republican ſeverity is by degrees removing that foppiſhneſs in dreſs and manners that ſprung from the example of a frivolous court. The ſmall ſword, that formerly dangled at the ſide of the French officers and ſoldiers, has reſigned its place to a weighty ſabre. The three-cornered hat, that ſheltered them neither from rain, ſun, nor blows, is very generally [26]changed into a helmet. Their hair, far the moſt part cut ſhort, is in the ſtate nature gave it; and many of their whiſkers grow unchecked by the razor. The whole of their dreſs, in ſhort, beſpeaks more attention to utility than ſhow. Some of their new corps muſt however be excepted, particularly the legion of the celebrated St. George. This is a body of ſeven hundred men, compoſed of Creoles, Negroes, and Mulattoes, and is dreſſed and accoutred in the richeſt and moſt brilliant manner.

I dined one day in company with a black captain of horſe, and judged this new Othello to be worthy of his occupation. His eaſy and polite manners deſerved, and met with the reſpect and attention of a great number of officers that were preſent. As for me, it did me good to ſee the general fraternity of mankind ſo nobly eſtabliſhed, and convinced me, that all the worthleſs parts of the human race are only ſo, becauſe debaſed by their political inſtitutions.

Till I came to Liege, I never could give entire belief to the wonderful effects ſaid to have been produced by the muſic of the ancients. How is it poſſible, I uſed to ſay, that among the multitude of our inſtruments, and the endleſs variety of our compoſitions, one of thoſe moving ſounds, or powerful paſſages, ſhould never yet have been hit upon? But when I came to Liege, the ſtruggle between my faith and my reaſon was at an end. I thought I diſcovered, that thoſe enthuſiaſtic emotions were not excited in the Greeks by the mechanical operation of "a concord of ſweet ſounds," but by the ſubject of their lays, the circumſtances they ſtood in, and the diſpoſition of their minds. In their old popular governments, glory and duty went hand in hand, and the perſecution of their liberty, called forth the fanaticiſm of freedom. Such is the ſituation of the French, and ſuch are their feelings, as I had an opportunity of obſerving at the dinner I have juſt mentioned. While we were at table, ſome itinerant muſicians were admitted. I need not ſay that their muſic, vocal and inſtrumental, was far from being of an excellent kind. [27]It was, nevertheleſs, aſtoniſhing to ſee the effect the Marſeilles Hymn produced upon the company. When they came to the paſſage aux armes, Citoyens! all the French officers joined them in concert, moſt untuneable indeed, but with very forcible expreſſion. Some of them ſtood up erect in military attitude, graſping their ſwords; and I ſaw tears trickle down faces as hard as iron. In my early youth I had felt much of the martial mania myſelf; but my long vacancy from warlike occupation, ſince the laſt peace, had given time to reaſon to take the place of ſentiment; and cold calculations of ſafety and repoſe had damped if not extinguiſhed all military ardour. The contagion, however, reached me; I repeated aux armes with the reſt, and felt that I was again become a ſoldier.

This valour at table is well maintained in the field. If I had only the bare word of the French for it, I ſhould not fail to make a large abatement for this ſelf-praiſe. Credit, however, cannot be refuſed to the univerſal teſtimony of the natives of the country, who ſpeak with artleſs wonder of what they call the rage of the new republicans. This bravery is the more meritorious, as a large proportion of their ſoldiers are boys. But they are boys, according to the words of our favourite dramatiſt, "with ladies' faces and fierce dragon's ſpleen."

During the whole of the journey we remarked, that the apprehenſion of a war with England was peculiarly painful to the French. Though fluſhed with their late ſucceſſes, and "confident againſt a world in arms," it was evident there was nothing they dreaded more than ſuch an event; not merely on account of the miſchief that might enſue, but becauſe it would force them to regard as enemies the only nation in Europe they conſidered as their friends.

All along the road, they anxiouſly aſked us what we thought would be the conſequence of the armament in England? We frankly told them, we preſumed it would be war, and generally obſerved a moment [28]of ſilence and dejection follow the delivery of our opinion. But ſoon, briſtling up at the aſpect of new dangers, ſeveral of them ſaid—"Well! if all the world be determined to fight with us, we will fight with all the world. We can be killed but once.

The imminence of hoſtilities, however, diminiſhed in no degree the reſpect they ſhewed us as Engliſhmen; and not only we did not meet with any thing like an inſult in the whole of our tour; but, on the contrary, we experienced every where particular kindneſs and attention. They ſeemed eagerly to court our good opinion; and frequently begged us not to aſcribe to a whole nation the faults of individuals, and not to charge their government with diſorders its preſent ſtate of vacillation rendered it incompetent to repreſs. If there was any diſputing ſuch high authorities as Mr. Burke, and the collective wiſdom of the kings of the continent, I confeſs I ſhould never have ſuſpected, that I was travelling among a nation of ſavages, madmen, and aſſaſſins. I ſhould rather have wiſhed with Shakeſpeare,

—that theſe contending kingdoms,
England and France, whoſe very ſhores look pale
With envy of each other's happineſs,
May ceaſe their hatred—
—that never war advance
Her bleeding ſword 'twixt England and fair France—
That Engliſh may as French, French Engliſhmen,
Receive each other.

They looked upon Louis XVI. as a tyrant and a traitor, who had brought a diſaſtrous war upon their country. Though a king, they conſidered him as no more than another man. And let us Britons, penitus ab orbe diviſi, who have a ſpecial privilege for judging better of what paſſes all over the world, than all the world, pity this lamentable miſtake. Let us be the more indulgent, as the ſuperior beings expreſſed no particular concern. The Heavens did not ſhed a tear; no earthly convulſion rent the veil [29]of the Temple, nor did the thunder, rolling on the left of the guilty city, reprobate the atrocity of the action.

Nay, in proportion as our feelings are ſenſibly affected at the death of a king we have ſo few of us ſeen, let us make ſome allowance for the feelings of others. The minds of the Pariſians were peculiarly irritated. Thouſands of them had loſt their deareſt friends, and their neareſt relatives, in the bloody ſeenes of which the deceaſed monarch had been the wilful, or the occaſional cauſe; and they all ſaw their country inveſted by cruel and innumerable foes, who were come with the declared intention of reinſtating him in his former deſpotiſm, and who aſſerted that he was the inſidious accomplice of their hoſtile attack.

The ſame deeds done in different circumſtances may ſtand as wide aſunder as the poles. The killing of a man from whom we have received no offence, or upon ſtrong provocation, conſtitutes in the firſt caſe, a horrible crime; in the ſecond, a fault that may admit of excuſe. Conſidered in this point of view, even the ſanguinary ſcenes of the beginning of September may allow ſome little extenuation. Let no man imagine, that I mean in any degree to juſtify what I have never yet ſuffered with patience a Frenchman to defend. My blood has ever been chilled by the horrid recital; nor have I a dearer wiſh, than to ſee the inſtigators and preformers of theſe baſe and atrocious actions puniſhed as they deſerve. But it is not the leſs true, that the Pariſians were driven to deſpair by the Duke of Brunſwick's approach to Paris, and by his infamous manifeſtoes. Bouille's threat of not leaving ſtone upon ſtone in the capital, was backed by the menaces of the Emigrants. Their cruel conduct on the frontiers plainly ſhowed the inhabitants of Paris what they had to expect. When the whole ſtrength of the city roſe to repel the enemy, they feared that they ſhould leave their aged fathers, and their defenceleſs children, to the mercy of a band of conſpirator, of which the part that was in the priſons [30]was to be ſet at liberty by their accomplices without.

Be this true or falſe, it is certain that ſuch was their perſuaſion; and I have been aſſured by a reſpectable French merchant, who mixed, without participating in theſe horrid ſcenes, that all the priſoners had received a day or two before ſtockings, ſtriped blue and white, to enable them to recognize each other. Their being in this uniform, he ſaid he could atteſt from his own obſervation. The nobles and the prieſts had alſo their diſtinctive marks. If I could doubt the aſſertions of numbers who pretend to have ſeen theſe marks, I could not eaſily reject the teſtimony of a youth, too ingenuous to deceive, and too young to invent, who was preſent at the maſſacre in the Convent of Carmelite Friars. He ſays, that he ſaw cards, taken from the breaſts of the murdered prieſts, on which were depicted a royal crown, and a crown of thorns, with the words Regiment de Salomon written above, and below miſerere noſtri. Why then ſhould an event, enchained with ſo many incidents and circumſtances, be conſidered as the natural conſequence of the revolution? Thoſe who affect to look upon it in this light, and who would fain make it an argument for the extermination of the new principles of liberty, are not aware, that while the Saint Bartholomew in France, and the maſſacre of proteſtants in Ireland (ſcenes of blood far leſs provoked, and of much greater extent) are upon record; they are not aware, I ſay, that their bold concluſion involves the condemnation of the chriſtian religion, and the proſcription of all kings.

But admitting that the page of hiſtory was never ſo fouly ſtained before, this is ſo far from being a reaſon for bringing the French under the yoke of their old deſpotiſm, that it is the ſtrongeſt argument that can be found for letting them try the experiment of a new government. As the cruelty with which they are reproached has marked their conduct from the firſt day of the revolution, it is evident that their old government made them what they are; for who will believe, [31]that there is any thing in the kindly climate or grateful ſoil of France to render its inhabitants ſerocious, or that the taking of the Baſtile inſtilled this ſudden venom into their ſouls. It is indeed little to be wondered at, that a people treated like brutes, for ſo many centuries, ſhould become like brutes when they broke their chain.

It may perhaps be ſafer, in this chriſtian land, for the man who rejoiced that there were priſons for the libellers of a queen, to libel a whole nation, and to adviſe the cutting of his fellow-creatures throats, from generation to generation, than it is for another to inculcate charity to our neighbours, by a candid ſtatement of facts, and demonſtrable truth. But as my tour induced me to relate the things I ſaw, and as theſe things led me naturally to the reflections that accompany the mention of them, I defy reproach, and truſt that my readers will ſhew ſome indulgence to the haſty production of an unſkilful pen.

ON THE EXCELLENCY OF A FREE GOVERNMENT, AND ITS TENDENCY TO EXALT THE NATURE OF MAN.

EVERY Member of a Free State, having his property ſecure, and knowing himſelf his own governor, poſſeſſes a conſciouſneſs of dignity in himſelf, and feels incitements to emulation and improvement, to which the miſerable ſlaves of arbitrary power muſt be utter ſtrangers. In ſuch a ſtate all the ſprings of action have room to operate, and the mind is ſtimulated to the nobleſt exertions. But to be obliged, from our birth, to look up to a creature no better than ourſelves, as the maſter of our fortunes; and to [32]receive his will as our law—What can be more humiliating? What elevated ideas can enter a mind in ſuch a ſituation?—Agreeably to this remark, the ſubjects of free ſtates have, in all ages, been moſt diſtinguiſhed for genius and knowledge. Liberty is the ſoil where the arts and ſciences have flouriſhed; and the more free a ſtate has been, the more have the powers of the human mind been drawn forth into action; and the greater number of BRAVE men has it produced. With what luſtre do the ancient free ſtates of Greece ſhine in the annals of the world? How different is that country now, under the Great Turk? The difference between a country inhabited by men, and by brutes, is not greater.

Theſe are reflections which ſhould be conſtantly preſent to every mind in this country. As moral liberty is the prime bleſſing of man in his private capacity, ſo is civil liberty in his public capacity. There is nothing that requires more to be w [...]hed than power. There is nothing that ought to be oppoſed with a more determined reſolution than its [...]roachments. Sleep in a ſtate, as Monteſquien ſays, is always followed by ſlavery.

The people of this kingdom were once warmed by ſuch ſentiments as theſe. Many a ſycophant of power have they ſacrificed. Often have they fought and bled in the cauſe of Liberty. But that time ſeems to be going. The fair inheritance of liberty left us by our anceſtors many of us are not unwilling to reſign. An unbounded venality, the inſeparable companion of diſſipation and extravagance, has poiſoned the ſprings of public virtue among us: and ſhould any events ever ariſe that ſhould render the ſame oppoſition neceſſary that took place in the times of King Charles the Firſt, and James the Second, I am afraid all that is valuable to us would be loſt.— The terror of the ſtanding army, the danger of the public funds, and the all-corrupting influence of the treaſury, would deaden all zeal, and produce general acquieſcence and ſervility.

A LAMENTATION FOR THE OPPRESSED.
From the Deſerted Village.

[33]
SWEET ſmiling Village, lovelieſt of the lawn,
Thy ſports are fled, and all thy charms withdrawn;
Amidſt thy bowers the tyrant's hand is ſeen,
And deſolation ſaddens all the green;
One only maſter graſps the whole domain,
And half a tillage ſtints thy ſmiling plain:
No more thy glaſſy brook reflects the day,
But choak'd with ſedges, works its weedy way.
Along thy glades, a ſolitary gueſt,
The hollow ſounding bittern guards its neſt;
Amidſt thy deſart walks the lapwing flies,
And tires their echoes with unvaried cries.
Sunk are thy bowers, in ſhapeleſs ruin all,
And the long graſs o'ertops the mould'ring wall;
And trembling, ſhrinking from the ſpoiler's hand,
Far, far away, thy children leave the land.
Ill fares the land, to haſtening ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates, and men decay;
Princes and lords may flouriſh or may fade;
A breath can make them, as a breath has made;
But a bold peaſantry, their country's pride,
When once deſtroy'd, can never be ſupplied.
A time there was, ere England's griefs began,
When every rood of ground maintain'd its man,
For him light labour ſpread her wholeſome ſtore,
Juſt gave what life required, but gave no more:
His beſt companions, innocence and health;
And his beſt riches, ignorance of wealth.
But times are alter'd; trade's unfeeling train
Uſurp the land, and diſpoſſeſs the ſwain;
Along the lawn, where ſcattered hamlets roſe,
Unweildy wealth, and cumbrous pomp repoſe;
And every want to opulence allied,
And every pang that folly pays to pride.
Theſe gentle hours that plenty bade to bloom,
Thoſe calm deſires that aſk'd but little room,
[34]Thoſe healthful ſports that grac'd the peaceful ſcene
Liv'd in each look, and brighten'd all the green;
Theſe far departing ſeek a kinder ſhore,
And rural mirth and manners are no more.
Yes! let the rich deride, the proud diſdain,
Theſe ſimple bleſſings of the lowly train;
To me more dear, congenial to my heart,
One native charm, than all the gloſs of art;
Spontaneous joys, where nature has its play,
The ſoul adopt, and owns their firſt-born ſway;
Lightly they frolic o'er the vacant mind,
Unenvied, unmoleſted, unconfin'd.
But the long pomp, the midnight maſquerade,
With all the freaks of wanton wealth array'd,
In theſe, ere trifles half their wiſh obtain,
The toiling pleaſure ſickens into pain;
And, even while faſhions brighteſt arts decoy,
The heart diſtruſting aſks, if this be joy?
Ye friends to truth, ye ſtateſmen, who ſurvey
The rich man's joys encreaſe, the poor's decay,
Tis yours to judge, how wide the limits ſtand
Between a ſplendid and an happy land.
Proud ſwells the tide with loads of freighted ore,
And ſnouring folly hails them from her ſhore;
Hoards even beyond the miſer's wiſh abound,
And rich men flock from all the world around,
Yet count our gains. This wealth is but a name
That leaves our uſeful products ſtill the ſame.
Not ſo the loſs. The man of wealth and pride,
Takes up a ſpace that many poor ſupplied;
Space for his lake; his parks extended bounds;
Space for his horſes, equipage, and hounds;
The robe that wraps his limbs in ſilken ſloth,
Has robb'd the neighbouring fields of half their growth;
His ſeat, where ſolitary ſports are ſeen,
Indignant ſpurns the cottage from the green;
Around the world each needful product flies,
For all the luxuries the world ſupplies,
While thus the land adorn'd for pleaſure, all
In barren ſplendor feebly waits the fall.
[35]
As ſome fair female unadorn'd and plain,
Secure to pleaſe while youth confirms her reign,
Slights every borrowed charm that dreſs ſupplies,
Nor ſhares with art the triumph of her eyes;
But when thoſe charms are paſt, for charms are frail,
When time advances and when lovers fail,
She then ſhines forth, ſolicitous to bleſs,
In all the glaring impotence of dreſs.
Thus fares the land by luxury betrayed,
In nature's ſimpleſt charmes at firſt arrayed,
But verging to decline, its ſplendors rife,
Its viſtas ſtrike, its palaces ſurprize;
While ſcourg'd by famine from the ſmiling land,
The mournful peaſant leads his humble band;
And while he ſinks without one arm to ſave,
The country blooms—a garden, and a grave.
Where then, ah where, ſhall poverty reſide,
To ſcape the preſſure of contiguous pride.
If to ſome common's fenceleſs limits ſtray'd,
He drives his flock to pick the ſcanty blade.
Thoſe fenceleſs fields the ſons of whealth divide,
And even the bare-worn common is denied.
If to the city ſped—What waits him there?
To ſee profuſion that he muſt not ſhare;
To ſee ten thouſand baneful arts combin'd
To pamper luxury and thin mankind;
To ſee thoſe joys the ſons of pleaſure know,
Extorted from his fellow-creatures' woe.
Here where the courtier glitters in brocade,
There the pale artiſt plies the ſickly trade;
Here, while the proud their long-dawn pomps diſplay,
There the black gibbet glooms beſide the way.
The dome where pleaſure holds her midnight reign,
Here richly deck'd, admits the gorgeous train;
Tumultuous grandeur crowds the blazing ſquare,
The rattling chariots claſh, the torches glare.
Sure ſcenes like theſe no troubles e'er annoy?
Sure theſe denote one univerſal joy?
Are theſe thy ſerious thoughts?—Ah, turn thine eyes
Where the poor houſeleſs ſhivering female lies.
[36]She once perhaps in village plenty bleſt,
Has wept at tales of innocence diſtreſt;
Her modeſt looks the cottage might adorn,
Sweet as the primroſe peeps beneath the thorn;
Now loſt to all; her friends, her virtue ſled;
Near her betrayer's door ſhe lays her head,
And pinch'd with cold, and ſhrinking from the ſhower,
With heavy heart deplores that luckleſs hour,
When idly firſt ambitious of the town,
She left her wheel and robes of country brown.

ON THE RESPONSIBILITY OF KINGS.
From THE CANDID PHILOSOPHER.

I ONCE thought that in point of morals the actions of all men, however diſtinguiſhed in rank, ſtood on the ſame footing, and were entitled to the ſame praiſe or cenſure. I thought that the morality of a monarch and of a private man, as preſcribed by the ſame divine authority, were exactly the ſame. But I find the world thinks otherwiſe. The world thinks, that what is fit and juſt in a ſubject is not ſo in a king; that a king is not bound by thoſe narrow rules that were only intended to bind the vulgar herd; and that a king may commit actions which, though highly criminal in a ſubject, are not ſo in him. Owing to theſe opinions, a political and practical ſyſtem has been drawn by acute ſtateſmen, and metaphyſical lawyers; in which, among other equally judicious principles, they lay it down as a rule, that though in the caſe of a ſubject the maſter is anſwerable for the ill conduct of his ſervants, yet in the caſe of a ſovereign, he is not reſponſible for the errors and miſconduct of his miniſters So far from it, they are accountable for his miſconduct and errors, if ſuch [37]he could commit, for they ſay he cannot. They ſay he is not a FREE AGENT, but a more machine. and as ſuch can do no wrong [therefore can do no right] the reaſon of this they tell us is, that the king is always ſuppoſed to be adviſed by his miniſters, and, therefore, to imagine he was capable of doing injuſtice, or was to be made reſponſible for his actions, would be to deſtroy his independence. This is paying the king but a very ſcorbutic compliment. To repreſent him as a machine, and the mouth-piece of his miniſters, is treating him as an idiot, or a puppet moved by wires. And with reſpect to the independency they want to aſcribe to the king, I inſiſt on it they rob him of it entirely, according to their ſyſtem; and render him the moſt abject, pitiful dependent creature imaginable, dependent on the nod, the wink, the command of his ſervants. They make him a very child in leading ſtrings, unfit to walk himſelf, but to be led blind-fold wherever his tutors ſhall be pleaſed to drag him. Whether this is the caſe in reality with any king now living, I preſume not to ſay; but it has been the caſe of multitudes, whom HISTORY has damned to everlaſting infamy in her fair and impartial page. If in a point of this delicate nature I may dare to hazard an opinion, I would ſay, that I think a king (I mean of Utopia not of England) ought to be perſonally reſponſible for his miſconduct, as much as a private man is for his: that a king ought to be reſponſible for his miſconduct in chooſing ignorant or wicked miniſters: That though a king takes the advice of others, yet, as advice does not bind his conduct, he is as much accountable for it as the private malefactor would be in taking and purſuing the ill advice of his comrades to rob or murder.

FROM THE SAME. ROMAN PATRIOTISM FOUNDED ON INJUSTICE, AND THE RUIN OF MANKIND.

[38]

THE patriotiſm of ancient Rome has been much extolled by modern writers, but I think unjuſtly. Her patriotiſm was founded on the moſt flagrant injuſtice and iniquity, and therefore deſerved not ſo much to be called patriotiſm, as a deſire to render Rome the miſtreſs of the univerſe.

For this purpoſe ſhe ſcrupled not committing all manner of tyrannous and wicked acts againſt the liberties of mankind. Her feveriſh fondneſs for univerſal empire laid deſolate all the known world. The poſſeſſions, the habitations, the paintings, the ſculptures, all the riches of the Romans, were the ſpoils of plundered nations. Thus they erected to themſelves an empire as unwieldy as it was unjuſt, on the ruins of their fellow creatures. What then are all their beautiful lectures and pompous declamations on the love of their country? What their laboured orations in praiſe of LIBERTY? Indiſputable proofs indeed of their eloquence; but not of their humanity. If the language of benevolence were to conſtitute the character, we muſt allow it is due to theſe Romans; but if actions are to afertain the right, and to be conſidered as the criterion of juſtice, we ſhall find it a difficult matter to make good their claim, though we were maſters of eloquence equal to their own.

A DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND.
From the LETTERS OF A PERSIAN IN ENGLAND, TO HIS FRIEND AT ISPAHAN.

THOU aſkeſt if the Engliſh are as free as heretofore? the courtiers aſſure me confidently that [39]they are; but the men who have leaſt relation to the court, are daily alarming themſelves and others with apprehenſion of danger to their liberty.—I have been told that the Parliament is the curb to the king's authority: and yet I am well informed, that the only way to advancement in the court is to gain a ſeat in Parliament.

The Houſe of Commons is the repreſentative of the nation, nevertheleſs there are many great towns which ſend to deputies thither, and many hamlets, almoſt uninhabited, that have a right of ſending two. Several members have never ſeen their electors, and ſeveral are elected by the Paliament, who were rejected by the people. All the electors ſwear not to ſell their voices, yet many of the candidates are undone by the expence of buying them. This whole affair is involved in deep miſtery, and inexplicable difficulties.

Thou aſkeſt if commerce be as flouriſhing as formerly: Some whom I have conſulted upon that head ſay, it is now in its meridian; and there is really an appearance of its being ſo; for luxury is prodigiouſly encreaſed, and it is hard to imagine how it can be ſupported without an inexhauſtible trade: But others pretend, that this very luxury is a proof of its decline; and they add, that the frauds and villanies in all the trading companies, are ſo many inward poiſons, which if not ſpeedily expelled, will deſtroy it entirely in a little time.

Thou wouldſt know if property be ſo ſafely guarded as is generally believed: It is certain that the whole power of a King of England cannot force an acre of land from the weakeſt of his ſubjects; but a knaviſh attorney will take away his whole eſtate by thoſe very laws which were deſigned for its ſecurity: The judges are uncorrupt, appeals are free, and notwithſtanding all theſe advantages it is uſually better for a man to loſe his right than to ſue for it.

Theſe, Mirza, are the contradictions that perplex me. My judgment is bewildered in uncertainty; [40]I doubt my own obſervations and diſtruſt the relations of others: more time and better information may perhaps clear them up to me; till then modeſty forbids me to impoſe my conjectures upon thee, after the manner of Chriſtian travellers, whoſe prompt deciſions are the effect rather of folly than penetration.

A LESSON FOR GENTLEMEN VOLUNTEERS.
From the LETTERS OF A PERSIAN IN ENGLAND TO HIS FRIEND AT ISPAHAN.

AS I was walking in the fields, near this city, the other morning, a diſbanded ſoldier, ſomewhat in years, implored my charity, and to excite my compaſſion, bared his boſom, on which were the ſcars of many wounds, all received in the ſervice of his country. I gladly relieved his wants, and being deſirous to inform myſelf of every thing, fell into diſcourſe with him on the wars in which he had ſerved. He told me he had been preſent at the taking of ten or twelve ſtrong towns, and had a ſhare in the danger and glory of almoſt as many victories. How then, ſaid I, comes it to paſs that you are laid aſide? Thy ſtrength is indeed in its decline, but not yet waſted; and I ſhould think that experience would well ſupply the loſs of youth. Alas! Sir, anſwered he, I have a good heart, and tolerable limbs, but I want three inches more of ſtature: I am brave and able enough, thank God, but not quite handſome enough to be a ſoldier.

How then didſt thou ſerve ſo long, returned I, in Flanders? Sir, ſaid he, there were ſome thouſands ſuch ill-looking fellows, who did very well in the day [41]of battle, but would make no figure at a review.—It appears to me very ſtrange, replied I, that thou ſhouldeſt be poor after fighting ſo many years with ſuch great ſucceſs. The plunder of a ſingle town in the eaſt is enough to enrich every ſoldier that helped to take it. Plunder! Sir, ſaid he; we have no ſuch term in the modern art of war. We fight for ſixpence a day.—But when you have gained a battle do you get nothing by it?—Yes, ſaid he, we have the advantage to go on and beſiege a town.—Ay, then, my honeſt lad, comes your harveſt.—Then, Sir, replied he, it defends itſelf till we are half of us deſtroyed: and when it can hold out no longer, it capitulates; that is, every burgher ſaves his houſe, and every ſoldier carries off his baggage.—What becomes of the conquering army?—Why the conquering army has the pleaſure to beſiege another town, which capitulates alſo; and at the end of the campaign it goes into quarters.—But when you enter an enemy's country don't you raiſe contributions? The generals do, anſwered he, but military diſcipline allows no part of it to the common ſoldiers; they have juſt ſixpence a day as they had before.

A LESSON FOR ALL MEN.
From LOOKE ON GOVERNMENT.

WHETHER we conſider natural reaſon, which tells us, that men, being once born, have a right to their preſervation, and conſequently to meat and drink, and ſuch other things as nature affords for their ſubſiſtence: Or revelation, which gives us an account of thoſe grants God made of the world to Adam, and to Noah, and his ſons; it is very clear, that God, (as King David ſays, Pſal. 115.16.) HAS GIVEN THE EARTH TO THE CHILDREN OF MEN, GIVEN IT TO MANKIND IN COMMON.

FROM SPENCE's RIGHTS OF MAN.
A SONG, to be ſung at the Commencement of the Milennium, when there ſhall be neither Lords nor Landlords, but God and Man will be all in all.
FIRST PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1782.

[42]
Tune, "God ſave the King."
1
HARK! how the trumpet's ſound *
Proclaims the land around
The Jubilee!
Tells all the poor oppreſs'd,
No more they ſhall be ceſs'd,
Nor landlords more moleſt
Their property.
2.
Rents t' ourſelves now we pay,
Dreading no quarter day,
Fraught with diſtreſs.
Welcome that day draws near,
For then our rents we ſhare ,
Earth's rightful lords we are
Ordain'd for this.
[43]3.
How hath the oppreſſor ceas'd,
And all the world releas'd
From miſery!
The fir-trees all rejoice,
And cedars lift their voice,
Ceas'd now the FELLER's noiſe,
Long rais'd by thee.
4.
The ſceptre now is broke,
Which with continual ſtroke
The nations ſmote!
Hell from beneath doth riſe,
To meet thy lofty eyes,
From the moſt pompous ſize,
How brought to nought!
5.
Since then this Jubilee
Sets all at Liberty
Let us be glad.
Behold each man return
To his poſſeſſion
No more like doves to mourn
By landlords ſad!

ALL MONARCHIES NATURALLY TEND TO DESPOTISM.
From CHESTERFIELD'S LETTERS.

[44]

THOUGH Monarchies may differ a good deal, Kings differ very little. Thoſe who are abſolute deſire to continue ſo, and thoſe who are not, endeavour to become ſo; hence, the ſame maxims and manners, almoſt in all courts: Voluptuouſneſs and profuſion are encouraged, the one to ſink the people into indolence, the other into poverty, conſequently into deſpondency.

A MODEST PLEA FOR AN EQUAL COMMONWEALTH, AGAINST MONARCHY.
Publiſhed in the Year 1659.

THOUGH I was never poſſeſt with a [...] evil ſpirit of oppoſition, or genius of contrad [...]g and ſnarling at what is preſent; but rather ſtudied at leaſt a paſſive, if not an active compliance with the preſent power; as knowing there was never any power, whoſe commiſſion was not paſſed, if not under the broad ſeal of Heaven's approbation, yet at leaſt by the privy-ſeal of God's permiſſive providence; which I have always taken as a ſufficient warrant for paying the tribute of paſſive obedience, whereſoever I received the benefit of reciprocal protection: Yet I cann [...] but acknowledge ſome governments more pure, refined, and leſs prone to corruption, than others; and certainly, thoſe wherein the ſupreme magiſtrate (whether one or more) hath an intereſt [45]diſtinct from that of the people, muſt be moſt apt to degenerate, and have greateſt propenſity to tyranny and oppreſſion. Now whether monarchy, that winds up all the ſtrings in the inſtrument of government to the intereſt of a ſingle perſon; that tunes laws, religion, and all things, to an harmony and compliance with the monarch's ſingle will, may not juſtly be ſuſpected of this ſtrain, I leave at the bar of any conſiderate man's judgment to be decided.

Certainly, whatever gloſs or varniſh the courtſhip or flatteries of princes or their paraſites may ſet upon it, ſuch a government is diametrically oppoſite to, and inconſiſtent with, the true liberty and happineſs of any people.

I remember to have read a pretty ſtrange paſſage of one of the French kings, that he was the moſt religious prince, and greateſt tyrant that ever wore the crown of France. I was (I confeſs) ſome time ſtartled at the ſtrangeneſs of the character; but our late experience of one, might wear the ſame livery, makes me able not only to digeſt the wonder, but alſo to give credence to this general aphoriſm, that whatever may be the qualifications of any prince in reference to the perſonal endowments of his mind, the title of good was never juſtly attributed to any king, in reference to his office, except comparatively: And therefore, in my apprehenſion, elective kingdoms have ſmall advantage of hereditary, by reaſon the unhappineſs of ſuch governments ſeems not ſo much to ſpring from the nature of the perſon adminiſtering, as of the office and dignity, which ever lays an iron yoke of ſlavery and oppreſſion on the peoples' necks: So that, conſidering the vaſt expence of blood and treaſure with which the competition of the office and dignity is uſually managed by the ſcarlet candidates of crowns and ſceptres, an hereditary monarchy may ſeem eligible, as the leſſer evil; eſpecially, if by ſome fundamental conſtitution, like the Salique law of France, the abſurd (though not [46]unuſual) pretenſions of women and children might be cut off: For to hang the keys of the power civil and eccleſiaſtic upon apron ſtrings, and to put the ſceptre into a hand ſitter to were a diſtaff, is to invert the order both of God and nature, and to ſet a nation with its heels upwards. And yet I know it is the opinion of ſome, that women and children are fitteſt to make princes, as being of a more paſſive ſpirit; and therefore likelieſt to ſteer by the ad [...]ice of wiſe council: by reaſon they repoſe leſs ſtreſs and confidence in their own prudence than men; in authority of which, the happy and proſperous reign of Queen Elizabeth is uſually alledg'd; but whether without wrong to the more than maſculine vigour of her ſpirit, and matchleſs quickneſs of parts, whereby ſhe was, to a wonder, qualified for government, and reported rather to out-ſtrip than come ſhort of the more noble ſex, I leave others to judge. But ſhould we grant this aſſertion to have the countenance of reaſon, and that experience had alſo ſet to it its ſeal of confirmation; it is ſo far from being of any advantage to monarchy, by warding off the blow uſually given by ſuch as ſkirmiſh againſt it, with their reaſons ſharpened with theſe inconveniences, that it gives the deepeſt wound to its reputation that could be deſired, by aſſerting oligarchy, which by the general conſent of all times and ages, hath been exploded as one of the worſt of tyrannies, to be the beſt of monarchies.

I have met with ſome, that plead much for the ſingle perſon that ſhould be only the name, without the thing; the office, without the power; the ſhadow or image, without the ſubſtance; as if it were impoſſible for men, that are the maſters and proprietors of reaſon, to be knit together into civil ſociety and peace for their own common intereſt and ſafety, without erecting either ſome gaudy thing to humour them, or ſome ſcare-crow to fright them into obedience; Nor do I know whoſe convenience would be [47]herein conſulted, except the lawyers, who (if like pack-horſes trained up in one road) not able to change their accuſtomed pace or ſtile, it be prudence for the nation to hazard a relapſe into tyranny, and again expoſe their lives and liberties to the will and luſt of an arbitrary power, to ſet up a John of Oke, or Will of Stile, with infinite expence of blood and treaſure, by reimpoſing the yoke ſo lately caſt off, that this pack, &c. may not alter the ſtile and form of their writs, &c. I ſay wherefore the nation ſhould be ſo over-indulgent to a corrupt intereſt of men, rather than to regulate and reform the forms of law, that, through the ſubtility of this generation, are become rather ſnares than fences of our eſ [...]ates and properties, falls not within the precincts of my apprehenſion.

Should we now unbowel and trace to its original this name, for which there have of late appeared ſo many advocates, I preſume it would be found of as ill complexion as the word Tyrant was accounted among the Greeks; the Engliſh word king, being but the abbreviate of cunning, the uſual epithet (as all men know) of knaves; and to ſpeak truth, experience hath made good, though never ſo great a ſaint hath ſate upon the throne, the devil and a biſhop have ever ſtept into the office: For I am not of that fond opinion, that kings are not capable in their private capacities of like virtues and qualifications with other men; but that, notwithſtanding their accompliſhments, how excellent, how bright, how orient ſoever are their perſonal virtues, they ſtand on ſlippery places, and their dignities, their intereſts, their paraſites, their flatterers, are ſnares too great for them to retain their integrity, and therefore that the talent of ſovereign power is too great, too precious to be intruſted or depoſited, in one man's hand, though an angel, left ſo great a temptation ſhould endanger his fall, and make him apoſtate to a devil.

That kings are God's ſcourges, and given in wrath, [48]we have the teſtimony of ſcripture. Nimrod was a great hunter, a mighty man, a great oppreſſor, and the firſt king or prince we read of; the firſt that invaded the liberty of the world, that uſurped firſt authority, and preſumed to exerciſe dominion over his brethren; the firſt that put a period to that golden age, wherein no other than paternal government was known; but though thus nigh the morning of time, God ſent his ſcourge Nimrod as a juſt plague amongſt the other nations of the earth; yet the people of God, the ſeed of Abraham, the children of Iſrael, were a long while after free, a free ſtate, and enjoyed their native liberties till the time of Samuel, when they rebelled, and deſired a king like the other nations, that they might be like the heathen whom God had caſt out before them; which God conſtrued no other than apoſtacy, and rejecting of him, than rebellion and high treaſon againſt his own divine majeſty; and ſaid, They have rejected me: And then tells them what would be the iſſue, fruit, and product thereof.

They ſhould give away their liberty, and be ſubjected to an arbitrary power, and become the ſlaves and vaſſals of their king, who ſhould take their ſons and their daughters to make them his ſervants, and ſend them forth to fight his battles; that is, to be the inſtruments of his pride and luxury, and the champions of his malice and ambition.

And then he ſhould deſtroy their property, and take away their houſes, and their vineyards, and give them to his ſervants. Thus the ſpirit of God gives the ſame deſcription of a King as of what we call a Tyrant, a Nero, a Monſter, as if they were all one, and it were eſſential to the nature of the office or dignity to be a beaſt of prey, a l [...]viathan, an oppreſſor and devourer of the people; which character hath been too eaſy to be read in the lives of moſt of the beſt kings, whoſe names are not taken off the file of memory.

Now as for thoſe that would have a mock, a counterfeit, a limited king, a king and no king, an [49]empty title, a bare name, vox & preterea nihil, or I know not what: they propoſe a remedy worſe than the diſeaſe; for to divide the ſovereignty, is to ſay a ſeene of blood, to ſow the ſeed of a perpetual civil war, and intail ruin on ourſelves and poſterity: What is divided cannot ſtand; there will ſpring up perpetual jealouſies, fears and animoſities, which will cauſe intrenchings on each others authority, until the one have ſupplanted and overturned the other, this is to inſtitute a civil war, anarchy and confuſion, inſtead of a well ordered commonwealth or politic.

Having thus unmaſked the true nature of monarchy, which is no other than the mere gentle or civil expreſſion of tyranny, I ſhall endeavour to obviate ſome of the moſt plauſible and ſtrenuous arguments, by whoſe ſtrength and ſubtility it is endeavoured to be obtruded, and our aſſents conciliated to the reception thereof.

One of the grand arguments whereby the betrayers of our liberty endeavour to decoy us into the iron yoke, we have ſo lately ſhaken of, is taken from our long uſe and cuſtom to draw therein, which hath rendered ſlavery a ſecond nature to us, and therefore endeavour to ſcare us from our liberty as a novel and dangerous thing; as if ſervitude were more natural to a nation than freedom, or any cuſtom could utterly expunge nature: I am ſure the former cannot reflect with the greater diſgrace, or more derogate from the honour of our nation, that we ſhould be of ſo coarſe a metal, ſo baſe an alloy, of ſo ſpaniel-like couchant, ſlaviſh, and degenerate a ſpirit, than the other doth deviate from truth; but the worthy advocates of this cauſe, meaſure truth by the wicked ſtandard of their baſe and corrupt deſigns, as they take altitude of all other mens ſpirits, though never ſo brave and elevated by the Jacob's ſtaff of their own pitiful crouching, fawning humour.

It would waſte more ink and paper than I am either willing, or have leiſure to beſtow, ſhould I ſhew how much the ſtate of our nation is altered, and into how [50]great an unſuitableneſs we are of late travelled unto that government, this argument would plead precription for.

But of what weight or trurh is it of, will eaſily appear to any that have taken notice of that, paſſage of our modern hiſtory of the laſt century, which c [...]erns the gallant hero Sir Philip Sidney; who though born in that moſt unlucky juncture of time for prod [...]cing brave ſpirits, when the nation tr [...]led under the government of a woman, was yet thought word [...]y of the Poliſh crown, and had an overture in order to his election thereto, had not his jealous miſtreſs prevented; if, then, one born, under the inf [...]ences of a female government, and not of the higheſt rank of nobility, was thought ſi [...]to ſway a ſcepter, of how great blaſphemy againſt the honour of our nation, may they be thought guilty, who ſay, the [...]r [...]-born people of England, after they have [...]roke the more ancient Norman yoke, and the more modern of a latter, &c. are not [...] to enjoy that liberty, that hath been the price of ſo much blood and treaſure: But ſhould we concede all the argument ſeem [...] to beg, that our necks are uſed to the yoke, and we are become familiar to ſervitude; ſhall [...]e the [...]fore willingly ſuffer our ears to be bored to the poſts of our new maſters, and become ſlave [...] for ever? Shall we court our bonds, and glory in that which is our ſhame? Shall we never learn to be free, and value liberty? Shall we never emancipate ourſelves and poſterity, but intail thraldom and ſ [...] cry on them alſo, to all generations? For ſo long as we draw in this yoke, our condition is the [...] with ſlaves; whatſoever is born unto us is a veſ [...]l of our Lords; the fruit of our loins muſt drink of the ſame cup with us, draw in the ſame yoke, groan under the ſame tyranny and oppreſſion we bequeath unto them: nay, who knows but their bondage may [...]n [...]reaſe, li [...]e that of Iſrael's under the ſon or Solomon, whoſe little finger was heavier than his father's l [...]ins; for tyrannies uſually exaſperate and wax worſe with continuance: [51]ſhall we now bequeath our children liberty or bonds, freedom or oppreſſion? If we, who have had our necks worn with the yoke, and our backs bowed down with heavy burdens, are of a couchant ſlaviſh ſpirit, perhaps our poſterity, if born in a freer air, and under the influences of a more benign government, may prove of more generous and noble ſpirits, worthy of, and knowing how to prize their liberty. But without doubt, thoſe brave and gallant ſouls, by the conduct of whoſe valour and prudence we have broken the iron yoke of arbitrary and exorbitant power; and by the good providence of God, redeemed the captivity of our nation, from the unrighteous bonds of its wicked oppreſſors, are worthy of, and know how to prize and improve what hath been purchaſed with ſo much [...]eat and oil, and will not in the end ſell their birth-right for a meſs of pottage, but leave an offspring, heirs of their own valour and gallantry, that will, with the utmoſt peril of their lives and fortunes, deſend and preſerve what the labours of their anceſtors hath purchaſed, with ſore travel both of mind and body, and ſo tranſmit it intire to their poſterity, through msny generations, till the conſummation of all things, and that time ſhall be no more.

But for a farther and more fatisfactory anſwer, to ſilence this argument, we may conſider how the ſcene is changed, and balance of lands altered ſince theſe laſt centuries; and by reaſon thereof, with how great difficulty monarchy hath made good its ground ſince Henry the Eighth's days, in which it firſt began moſt viſible to decline, and hath ever ſince been poſting to its period.

For that wilful prince, by alienating the church revenues, quite altered the balance of lands that was the baſis of his government, and thereby did that ſervice unawares, that pulled up the ſtake of monarchy: for the church (which with all its preferments, was at the king's devotion and ſole diſpoſe) did at that time poſſeſs a third part of the lands and wealth [52]of the whole nation: which being afterwards ſold, and coming into the hands of private men, ſet up many thouſands of families that had no dependence on the crown. Since which time, the number of freeholders being much encreaſed, the nation hath had a natural and ſtrong vergency towards a commonwealth; which hath been much diſcovered in the ſpirit and complexion of our parliaments, of which the houſe of commons (heretofore an inconſiderable truckling kind of court, that was only ſummoned for the Prince to milk their purſes, and let the people blood in the ſilver vein) grew now more peremptory, and began to give check to their princes exorbitances; inſomuch, that Queen Elizabeth was put to her courtſhip to retain them in allegiance; as afterwards King James, to a thouſand ſhifts and juggles: who, notwithſtanding all his King-craft and cunning, in which he ſo much gloried, and boaſted himſelf ſo great a maſter, was ſcarce able, with much juggling and diſſimulation, to divert the ſtorm from falling on his own head, which afterward rained ſo much blood and vengeance on his ſon and poſterity, to the utter ruin and confuſion of his family.

To conclude therefore this particular, it being a maxim of truth, placed beyond all hazard of contradiction, that no government can be fixed in this nation, but according to the balance of land. That Prince that is not able, neither by his own nor the public revenue, in ſome meaſure to counterpoiſe, if not over balance the greater part of the people, muſt neceſſarily be tenant at will for the crown he wears: for they that are the proprietors of the land and wealth of any nation, will with eaſe be able, by that magnetiſm, to draw the greateſt number of abettors to their ſide, and ſo to gild over their pretenſions, as to render them current with the people, and ſo in the end, give law to the reſt of their brethren: Therefore, where there is one proprietor or landlord, as in Turkey, there is abſolute monarchy; where a few, ariſtocracy, &c.

Now, ſince the crown lands, and church lands of [53]this nation are ſold, what other prop or pillar of ſecurity is left for the throne of a prince to reſt upon, except that of a mercenary army, lies not within view of my apprehenſions; and then how wholeſome or ſafe advice the re-eſtabliſhing of monarchy is to this nation, I leave all men (that have not altogether abjured their reaſon and conſcience, to judge and determine.

As for thoſe poetical, if not prophane flouriſhes, wherewith orators and poets, the conſtant paraſites of princes, uſe to gild over monarchy, pretending it the moſt natural and rational of all other forms of government, and that whoſe pattern was firſt ſhown in the mount, or rather let down from heaven, parale [...]ling it with God's regimen of the univerſe, which is alledged as its prototype firſt exemplar; and therefore to have ſomething more of a divine right and character impreſſed upon it than any other, &c.

Theſe, I ſay, are ſuch trite, bald, and ſlight reaſonings, that they do not merit ſo much reſpect as to receive an anſwer; for may we not as well by this looſe and alluſive way of arguing, borrow a pattern from heaven for the triumvirate, that Auguſtus, Lepidus, and Mare Antony ſometime impoſed on Rome.

Doth it not as well quadrate with the ſacred Trinity, by the triple ſceptred of whoſe divine providence the empire of the world is adminiſtered, as by their's ſometime that of the Romans? Will any one therefore be ſo bold as to ſay, that it was the moſt natural and rational government, and founded by no leſs than a divine right, according to its pattern and archetype in the heavens! notwithſtanding the brand of the blackeſt and bloodieſt tyranny Rome ever ſaw hath been ſet thereon, by the univerſal conſent of all hiſtorians.

Or may we not, conſidering the pride, ambition, rapine, extortion, injury and oppreſſion, that uſually crowd into the courts of the beſt princes, with as much or more reaſon parallel abſolute monarchy, with that of the prince of darkneſs, in which there is no Trinity, as in the other; and therefore more exactly [54]quadrate to the abſoluteneſs our proud monarchs ſo much endeavour to obtain?

I confeſs, could we have a prince to whom majeſty might be atributed, without prophane hyperboles, that was a true vicar or lieutenant of God, that was not ſubject to the paſſions and infirmities, much leſs the vices and monſtroſities of human nature, that could neither be impoſed on by deceit, nor abuſed by flattery, whom the paſſions neither of fear nor affection, could warp to the leaſt declivity, from what is right and honeſt; whoſe reaſon could never be biaſſed by any private intereſt or baſe reſpect, to decline the paths of juſtice and equity, but would manage the reins of his power with a like conſtancy and ſteadineſs, as by the hand of Providence the helm of the univerſe is ſteered: I ſhould then become an advocate of monarchy, and acknowledge it to have the impreſs of divinity, and bear the character and inſcription of God upon it, to be the beſt and moſt abſolute form of government, and a true copy of its divine original: but till ſecurity be given for ſuch a righteous adminiſtration, I deſire to be excuſed from being a pander to ambition, or the advocate of tyranny, as having learnt, It is not good for man to be alone, eſpecially on the high and ſlippery places, where the ſtrongeſt heads are apt to wax giddy; but, in the multitude of counſellors there is ſafety: and methinks, the very dialect of princes in the plural number (whatever of ſtate or majeſty may be pretended) is a witneſs of, and doth clearly ſpeak the unnaturalneſs of ſuch exorbitant monopolies of power, and that though they act in a ſingle capacity, are willing to ſpeak like a commonwealth.

Moſt of the other arguments, of which the advocates of tyranny make uſe, are drawn from the pretended advantages of that government, above and beyond others in reſpect of ſecrecy, celerity, unanimity, and the like, which though conveniencies, yet being far too light to counterpoiſe and balance the other in commodities, together with the great charge and exciſe [55]they are rated at, require no other anſwer, nor ſhall I waſte more time and ink upon them.

Having thus paſſed the pikes of the ſharpeſt arguments, that are uſually raiſed in defence of the odd thing called a ſingle perſon, I ſhall only ſpeak a word or two to that is founded on the ſingle command, that in times of war and eminent danger, when the gates of Janus's temple are ſet open, is committed to one man, it being a received maxim, that reaſon hath always conceded an advantage to the abſolute juriſdiction of a ſingle perſon in the field, preſcribing to that end but one general to an army, for fear of diviſions upon contrary counſels and commands.

To which may be replied, notwithſtanding generals are not taken upon truſt, as kings in ſucceſſive monarchies, but upon the teſt of experience, and proved ſufficiency manifeſted in former ſervices; yet if it ſeem expedient to the commonwealth, there may be a rotation in that office as well as others, as was anciently in the Roman republic, whoſe armies were led forth by their annual ſucceſſive conſuls, and that with great ſucceſs and victory.

But the expedient our preſent parliament hath found out by commiſſion, doth ſo fully anſwer this objection that I need ſay no more unto it; for without doubt, it is the intereſt of a free ſtate to have all the people ſo trained up in military diſcipline, and made familiar with arms, that he may not be thought arrived at the juſt accompliſhments of a gentleman, that is not able to lead an army in the field, it being among the Romans no abſurd apoſtrophe to leave the ploughtail, to head an army, or, vice verſa, when their military employments were accompliſhed: how much then may they be thought to fall ſhort of the accompliſhments of a gentleman, that know not how to manage the conduct of a troop of horſe, as I fear, too many of our gentry, upon a due ſcrutiny would be found; who, notwithſtanding all their great pretences to be accounted armigeri, or eſquires, are ſcarce ſtout enough to diſcharge a piſtol, or were [56]ever militant beyond the borders of their ladies carpets.

I ſhall now ſound a retreat to the further progreſs of my pen on this theme, leſt I ſhould ſeem too much to triumph over a baffled and proſtrate enemy, it being my deſire to uſe victory with like moderation, I deſire to bear a foil, conqueſt or captivity: therefore, fince by the good providence of God, together with the gallant conduct of the no leſs prudent than valiant aſſertors of our native rights and liberties, we are re-inſtated in the poſſeſſion of our birth-rights, I ſhall attempt the diſcovery of thoſe rocks and ſhelves, on which in the late night of apoſtacy we ſplit our liberties, and endanger the utter ruin and ſhipwreck of our lives and fortunes, in the dangerous ſea of an exorbitant and unlimited power; and thereby ſtrike ſome ſparks of light for the future better ſteering of the commonwealth, in whoſe bottom, as all our lives and felicities are adventured, we are all concerned to endeavour its being brought into a ſafe port and harbour.

The work then of our preſent pilots, that ſit at the ſtern, and manage the conduct of our affairs, is, to endeavour the commonwealth may be ſo equally balanced, as it may neither have propenſity to a ſecond relapſe into monarchy, as of late; or oligarchy, which is worſe: nor yet into anarchy, the worſt of all three: But to ſettle a free-ſtate upon ſuch juſt and righteous foundations as cannot be moved, that may be a ſtrong rampire of defence, not only to our civil liberties, as men, from the future enchroachment of tyranny, or inundation of exorbitant power; but alſo of ſecurity to our ſpiritual liberties, as Chriſtians, from the invaſion of thoſe that deſire to domineer and lord it over the conſciences of their brethren: both which ſeem ſo linked and twiſted to each other, that what conduces to the ſecurity of one, hath no ſmail tendency to the eſtabliſhing of the other alſo, and do commonly ſo inſeparable accompany each other, that whereſoever there is a free-ſtate, or equal [57]commonwealth, liberty of conſcience is inviolably preſerved, together with convenient and inoffenſive latitude in toleration of religions, as in Holland, Venice, &c.

Now, for the better ſecuring of theſe, we are to take notice of what perſons or things are moſt inconſiſtent with, and have greateſt enmity to, the intereſt of a free-ſtate or equal commonwealth.

For diſcovery of which, as I know it a crime of preſumption unpardonable, for one ſeated in the vale of a private condition, to pretend a fairer proſpect into the intereſt of ſtate, than thoſe Providence hath placed in the watch-towers, and on the pinnacles of power; yet by reaſon a by-ſtander may be allowed to diſcern ſomething of the game; and he that is out of play, to ſhew the ground to a bowler; and one that ſtands below may better know what props the foundation reſts upon, than he that is on the top of the tower: and it being the duty of every one to caſt in his mite to the vaſter treaſures of their knowledge, to whom Providence hath committed the conduct of our affairs, I am bold, being partly thereto encouraged by that great candour wherewith I obſerve the like tribute of zealous and faithful hearts are already received, to tender what in my apprehenſion may have a tendency to a future ſettlement and ſecurity. I confeſs, were we at this time bowed down under the government of a monarch, in whoſe court every counſellor of ſtate is to be taken on an implicit faith to enjoy by his prince's patent and favour, a monopoly of reaſon as well as honour; and that his underſtanding is no leſs elevated than according to the proportion his titles and fortunes ſwell above the tide of other mens: I might juſtly be accounted abſurd to offer any thing of this nature, as knowing with what ſcorn and contempt ſo raſh an adventure would be encountered.

But in a free ſtate, where the greateſt ſenators are not aſhamed to confer with the meaneſt perſons, I am [58]not afraid to put myſelf into the crowd of thoſe that make addreſſes of this nature: wherefore, to conclude this parentheſis, and reſume the thread of our diſcourſe, there are nor, as I preſume, paſt two or three ſorts of perſons, whoſe intereſts run counter to, or, indeed are not twiſted and wound up in the ſame botton with that of a free ſtate, or at leaſt in the ſpinning out of a few years, might not be interwoven therewith; and thoſe are, the Lawyer, the Divine, and Hereditary Nobility; as for the Cavalier and Courtier, I queſtion not but a little time would breathe out their antipathy, and warp their affections to a perfect compliance, and cloſing with an equal commonwealth.

Diſcontent productive of Human Happineſs and the Elevation of the Species.
From Young's Spirit of Athens.

WHY are we tenacious of liberty, but becauſe it gives an open field to that exertion of our minds or bodies, whence alone pleaſure can proceed? —whether they are employed in tracking a wild beaſt, or in exploring a ſyſtem, it is the ſame pleaſure; and reſtriction to the man who hath once taſted it, is ſurely worſe than death.

The diſcontented ſpirit of mankind, ſo often and ſo much deprecated by every trifler in metaphyſics, is then found to be conſiſtent with their happineſs, and neceſſary to their improvement. Divinely is it thus inſtituted, that the activity of our faculties ſhould conſtitute our happineſs, whilſt what bleſſes the individual, enriches the ſpecies; and the purſuit which gives pleaſure to each, tends to ſome acquiſition productive of further diſtinctions to humanity, and elivating it more and more, in the ſyſtem in which it makes a part.

AN ODE, IN IMITATION OF ALCAEUS.

[59]
WHAT conſtitutes a State?
Not high-rais'd battlement, or labour'd mound,
Thick wall, or moated gate;
Not cities proud with ſpires, and turrets crown'd;
Where, laughing at the ſtorm, rich navies ride;
Not ſtarr'd and ſpangled courts,
Where low-bred baſeneſs wafts perfume to pride;
No:—MEN, high-minded MEN,
With pow'rs as far above dull brutes endu'd,
In ſoreſt, brake, or den,
As beaſts excel cold rocks and brambles rude;
Men, who their duties know,
But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain,
Prevent the long-aim'd blow,
And cruſh the tyrant while they rend the chain:
Theſe conſtitute a State,
And ſov'reign LAW, that State's collected will,
O'er thrones and globes elate
Sits Empreſs, crowning good, repreſſing ill;
Smit by her ſacred frown
The fiend Diſcrection like a vapour ſinks,
And e'en the all-dazzling Crown
Hides his faint rays, and at her bidding ſhrinks,
Such was this heav'n-lov'd iſle,
That Leſbos fairer and the Cretan ſhore!
No more ſhall freedom ſmile?
Shall Britons languiſh, and be MEN no more?
Since all muſt life reſign,
Thoſe ſweet rewards, which decorate the brave,
'Tis folly to decline,
And ſteal inglorious to the ſilent grave.

Every Man is born with an impreſcriptible Claim to a Portion of the Elements.
From Barlow's Advice to the Privileged Orders.

[60]

IT is a truth, I believe, not to be called in queſtion, that every man is born with an impreſcriptible claim to a portion of the elements, which portion is termed his birth-right. Society may vary this right, as to its form, but never can deſtroy it in ſubſtance. She has no controul over the man till he is born; and the right being born with him, and being neceſſary to his exiſtence, ſhe can no more annihilate the one than the other, though ſhe has the power of new-modelling both. But on coming into the world, he finds that the ground which nature had promiſed him is taken up, and in the occupancy of others; ſociety has changed the form of his birth-right; the general ſtock of elements, from which the lives of men are to be ſupported, has undergone a new modification; and his portion among the reſt. He is told, that he cannot claim it in its preſent form, as an independent inheritance; that he muſt draw on the ſtock of ſociety, inſtead of the ſtock of nature; that he is baniſhed from the mother and muſt cleave to the nurſe. In this unexpected occurrence he is unprepared to act; but knowledge is a part of the ſtock of ſociety: and an indiſpenſible part to be allotted to the portion of the claimant, is inſtruction relative to the new arrangement of natural right. To withhold this inſtruction, therefore, would be not merely the omiſſion of a duty, but the commiſſion of a crime; and ſociety in this caſe would ſin againſt the man, before the man could ſin againſt ſociety.

I ſhould hope to meet the aſſent of all unprejudiced readers, in carrying this idea ſtill further. In caſes where a perſon is born of poor parents, or finds himſelf brought into the community of men, without the means of ſubſiſtence, ſociety is bound in duty to furniſh him with the means. She ought not only to inſtruct him in the artificial laws by which property is ſecured, but in the artificial induſtry by which it is obtained. She is bound in [61] juſtice as well as policy, to give him ſome art or trade. For the reaſon of his incapacity is, that ſhe has uſurped his birth-right; and this reſtoring it to him in another form, more convenient to both parties. The failure of ſociety in this branch of her duty, is the occaſion of much the greater part of the evils that call for criminal juriſprudence. The individual feels that he is robbed of his natural right; he cannot bring his proceſs to reclaim it from the great community by which he is overpowered; he therefore feels authorized in repriſal; in taking another's goods to replace his own. And it muſt be confeſſed, that in numberleſs inſtances the conduct of ſociety juſtifies him in this proceeding, ſhe has ſeized his property and commenced the war againſt him.

Some, who perceive theſe truths, ſay that it is unſafe for ſociety to publiſh them; but I ſay it is unſafe not to publiſh them. For the party from which the miſchief is expected to ariſe, has the knowledge of them already, and has acted upon them in all ages. It is the wiſe who are ignorant of theſe things, and not the fooliſh. They are truths of nature; and in them the teachers of mankind are the only party that remains to be taught: It is a ſubject on which the logic of indigence is much clearer than that of opulence. The latter reaſons from contrivance, the former from feeling; and God has not endowed us with falſe feelings, in things that ſo weightily concern our happineſs.

None can deny that the obligation is much ſtronger on me to ſupport my life, than to ſupport the claim that my neighbour has to his property. Nature commands the firſt, ſociety the ſecond:—In one I obey the laws of God, which are univerſal and eternal; in the other the laws of man, which are local and temporary.

It has been the folly of old governments to begin every thing at the wrong end, and to erect their inſtitutions on an inverſion of principle. This is more [62]ſadly the caſe in their ſyſtems of juriſprudence, than is commonly imagined. Compelling juſtice is always miſtaken for rendering juſtice. But this important branch of adminiſtration conſiſts not merely in compelling men to be juſt to each other, and individuals to ſociety,—this is not the whole, nor is it the principal part, nor even the beginning, of the operation. The ſource of power is ſaid to be the ſource of juſtice; but it does not anſwer this deſcription, as long as it contents itſelf with compulſion. Juſtice muſt begin by flowing from its ſource; and the firſt, as well as the moſt important object is, to open its channels from ſociety to all the individual members. This part of the adminiſtration being well deviſed and diligently executed, the other parts would leſſen away by degrees to matters of inferior conſideration.

It is an undoubted truth, that our duty is inſeparably connected with our happineſs; and why ſhould we deſpair of convincing every member of ſociety of a truth ſo important for him to know? Should any perſon object, by ſaying, that nothing like this has ever been tried. Society has hitherto been curſt with governments whoſe exiſtence depended on the extinction of truth. Every moral light has been ſmothered under the buſhel of perpetual impoſition; from whence it emits but faint and glimmering rays, always inſufficient to form any luminous ſyſtem on any of the civil concerns of men. But theſe covers are crumbling to the duſt, with the governments which they ſupport; and the probability becomes more apparent, the more it is conſidered, that ſociety is capable of curing all the evils to which it has given birth.

HOW TO CONSTITUTE A FREE GOVERNMENT.
From CATO'S LETTERS.

[63]

THE only Secret in forming a Free Government, is to make the intereſts of the Governors and of the Governed the ſame, as far as human policy can contrive. Liberty cannot be preſerved any other way. Men have long found, from the weakneſs and depravity of themſelves and one another, that moſt men will act for intereſt againſt duty, as often as they dare. So that to engage them to their duty, intereſt muſt be linked to the obſervance of it, and danger to the breach of it. Perſonal advantages and ſecurity, muſt be the rewards of duty and obedience; and diſgrace, torture, and death, the puniſhment of treachery and corruption.

Human wiſdom has yet found out but one certain expedient to effect this; and that is, to have the concerns of all directed by all, as far as poſſibly can be: and where the perſons intereſted are too numerous, or live too diſtant to meet together on all emergencies, they muſt moderate neceſſity by prudence, and act by deputies whoſe intereſt is the ſame with their own, and whoſe property is ſo intermingled with theirs, and ſo engaged upon the ſame bottom, that principals and deputies muſt ſtand and fall together. When the deputies thus act for their own intereſt, by acting for the intereſt of their principals; when they can make no law but what they themſelves, and their poſterity, muſt be ſubject to; when they can give no money, but what they muſt pay their ſhare of; when they can do no miſchief, but what muſt fall upon their own heads in common with their countrymen; their principals may then expect good laws, little miſchief, and much frugality.

Here therefore lies the great point of neceſſity and care in forming the conſtitution, that the perſons entruſted [64]and repreſenting, ſhall either never have an intereſt detached from the perſons entruſting and repreſented, or never the means to purſue it. Now to compaſs this great point effectually, no other way is left but one of theſe two, or rather both, namely, to make the deputies ſo numerous, that there may be no poſſibility of corrupting the majority; or, by changing them ſo often, that there is no ſufficient time to corrupt them, and to carry the ends of that corruption. The people may be very ſure, that the major part of their deputies being honeſt will keep the reſt ſo; and that they will all be honeſt, when they have no temptations to be knaves.

The glorious Proſpect of better Times, which are faſt approaching.
From The Critic Philoſopher.

‘He hath ſhewed ſtrength with his arm: he hath SCATTERED the proud in the imagination of their hearts. He hath PUT DOWN the mighty from their ſeats, and EXALTED them of LOW degree. He hath FILLED the HUNGRY with good things, and the RICH he hath ſent EMPTY AWAY. Luke i. ver. 51.

THE Gothic pride of abſurd prejudices, cemented by the ignorance and weakneſs of our forefathers, muſt fall to the ground; and on its ruin muſt be raiſed the immortal temple of reaſon, of liberty, of juſtice! At the ſight of this glorious fabric, deſpotiſm will ſhudder, tyranny ſhall be ſtruck dumb; irritated pride muſt murmur; unmaſked avidity ſhall be confounded; and philoſophy, ſmiling at her great work, will ſecretly applaud herſelf for the trophy thus erected to her honour. The RIGHTS OF MAN, engraved by nature upon his heart, in indelible characters, reſtored to their original perfection: that primitive equality on which all were formed, muſt [65]take place of artificial inequality effected by ſelf-created nobility, be placed on a proper footing, and change its nature, objects, and pretenſions; the clergy muſt be reformed and brought back to that ſimple, evangelical modeſty, that moſt beautiful ornament, which a proud and worldy ſpirit has long diſfigured.

The rich muſt be convinced, that while they live ſumptuouſly, and while the POOR are fed with a few of the ſcanty crumbs which fall from their table, they act quite contrary to the tenor of that goſpel, which they ſay they believe. It is not in nature or reaſon, that one man ſhould deſtroy twenty thouſand a year, and another ſh [...]uld be left without the common neceſſaries of life: —No, every creature which nature hath formed with a mouth and digeſtive powers, has an equal right to participate of her bleſſings.

To conclude, we truſt that the glorious fabric of freedom, reared up, as it were, by the hand of Onipotence, will ſoon appear. A fabric that will ſtand fir [...] and un [...]haken, as being fenced round with barriers, which will mock the dark deſigns of treachery, and bid defiance to the impotent efforts of deſpotiſm and corruption.

Mr. Burke's tyrannical ſyſtem of politics, and confined ideas of liberty, publiſhed in his late pamphlet, muſt fall to the ground; and every ſcheme, or plan, made uſe of to oppreſs the human race, muſt be deſtroyed. Wealth and property muſt be wreſted from the hands of rapacity and indolence, and divided amongſt mankind at large, in proportion as they merit it. Then will thoſe of uſeful invigorated induſtry ſhine as uſeful members of the community. 'Tis true, nations like individuals ſeem ſubject to infatuation, and while they are under its influence, they ſubmit to treatment which would ſhock them, if they were in their proper ſenſes. Men can aſſign no other reaſon for bearing oppreſſion, than that they bore it before.—The world is grown old in error, I grant, but it ſhould not on that account preclude reform. [66]Notwithſtanding its great age, ſociety is hardly yet got beyond its firſt elements! Legiſlators have hitherto only drawn lines or boundaries to confine mankind, inſtead of tracing plans to make them happy. In all their general inſtitutions, they ſeem to have been ignorant that man is a being formed for love and friendſhip: they have rather conſidered him as in a ſtate of perpetual warfare with his fellow-creatures. Hence it is, that the ſyſtems of all governments, and the ſpirit of their laws, have been directed rather to ſeparate than to unite the different members of ſociety; by granting peculiar privileges to ſome; by reſtraining others; by rendering the meltitude paſſive, and giving activity and power only to a few; by occaſioning ſuperabundance in palaces, and famine in the peaſant's cot; by counteracting, in ſhort, the deſigns of God and nature, in the impartial diffuſion of their bleſſings.

Laws, founded upon ſuch unnatural principles, have kept the whole machine of ſociety in a ſtate of perpetual diſcord and diſtraction. They have hindered the rich from becoming humane, by giving a ſanction to their inſolent luxuries. They have robbed the poor of every right, even of permiſſion to utter their complaints: they have chained down genius; clipped the wings of thought; and chilled, with freezing preſſure the warm ſallies of ſenſibility: —By treating man as a ferocious animal, thoſe laws have made him ſo in reality. They made him jealous of his fellow-creatures: they erected a wall of prejudice and diviſion between one people and another: their voice, like that of demons; crying out to the inhabitants of every country, be guarded againſt ſtrangers and foreigners, and look upon them as your natural enemies.—By theſe means, a ſort of conſtant hoſtility has been kept up in the univerſe, man being at war with man, nation with nation, and empire with empire!

We have a book, which we call our guide to eternal happineſs; it teacheth us, that all the human [67]race deſcended from one man, and that we are all brethren; yet we are, by our own laws, daily enacting a ſpecific diſtinction, and giving one part of us a ſtatute authority to commit rapine and plunder the other. We believe that a divine prophet came down, exerted himſelf, and died for the redemption of all nations from miſery and puniſhment; and while we ſacrifice to him for this unparalelled love, we overwhelm one another with the very evils, which he, by his examples and ſufferings, taught us to avoid.

THE ADVANTAGES OF FREEDOM OF SPEECH.
From THE CANDID PHILOSOPHER.

EVERY one will allow, that freedom of thought ought not, and cannot be reſtrained, however freedom of ſpeech may be ſo. The judge obſerved very juſtly to a ſatirical author, that the law forbade him to call him rogue. "I know it, my lord," replied as juſtly the arch wag; "but the law does not forbid my thinking your lordſhip one."

Since, then, freedom of thought cannot be taken from a man, and is confeſſedly uſeful, let us briefly conſider the advantages of Freedom of Speech.

And here a moſt excellent author occurs to me, and I ſhall give his ſentiments on the ſubject, as nearly as I can remember, they being perfectly agreeable to my own:—

The paſſions are not to be extinguiſhed but with life: To forbid, therefore, people to ſpeak, is to forbid them to feel.—The more men expreſs of their hate and reſentment, perhaps the leſs they retain; and ſometimes they vent the whole that way; but theſe paſſions, where they are ſmothered, will be apt to feſter, to grow venomous, and to diſcharge themſelves [68]by a more dangerous organ than the mouth; even by an armed and vindictive hard. Leſs dangerous is a railing mouth than an heart filled with bitterneſs and curſes; and more terrible to a prince ought to be the ſecret execrations of his people than their open revilings, or than even the aſſaults of his enemies. In truth, where no liberty is allowed to ſpeak of governors, beſides that of praiſing them, their praiſes will be little regarded. Their tenderneſs and averſion to have their conduct examined will be [...] to prompt people to think their conduct guilty or [...]; to ſuſpect their management and deſigns to be worſe tha [...] perhaps they are; and to become turbulent and ſeditious, rather than be forced to be ſilent,

THE MARSEILLES MARCH, OR HYMN.

YE ſons of France! awake to glory,
Hark! hark! what myriads bid you riſe!
Your children, wives, and grandſires hoary,
Behold their tears, and hear their cries.
Shall hateful tyrants, miſchief breeding,
With hireling hoſts a ruffian band,
Affright and deſolate the land,
While peace and liberty lie bleeding!
To arms, to arms, ye brave,
Th' avenging ſword unſheath;
March on, march on, all hearts reſolv'd
On victory or death.
Now, now the dang'rous ſtorm is rolling,
Which treach'rous kings, confed'rate, raiſe:
The dogs of war, let looſe, are howling,
And ſo! our fields and cities blaze.
And ſhall we baſely view the ruin,
Wh [...]le lawleſs force, with guilty ſtride,
Spread deſolation far and wide,
With crimes and blood his hands embruing?
To arms, to arms, ye brave, &c.
[69]
With luxury and pride ſurrounded,
The vile inſatiate deſpots dare,
Their thirſt of power and gold unbounded,
To mete and vend the light and air.
Like beaſts of burthen would they load us,
Like Gods would bid their ſlaves adore;
But man is man, and who is more?
Then ſhall they longer laſh and goad us?
To arms, to arms, ye brave, &c.
O Liberty! can man reſign thee,
Once having felt thy gen'rous flame!
Can dungeons, bolts and bars confine thee,
Or whips thy noble ſpirit tame!
Too long the world has wept bewailing,
That falſehood's dagger tyrants wield;
But Freedom is our ſword and ſhield,
And all their arts are unavailing.
To arms, to arms, ye brave, &c.

Tranſlation of an Extract from a late Publication, intituled, Les Ruines, by M. De Volney, Member of the late Conſtitutive National Aſſembly of France, and author of "Travels in Syria and Egypt."
[This book is ſuppoſed to be written on the Ruins of Palmyra, where a Spectre, or Genius, appears to the Author, and after taking him up into the Heavens, ſhews him below, our Hemiſphere: accounts for paſt, and foretels many future Revolutions; after which the work thus proceeds:]

SCARCE had the genius finiſhed theſe words, before an immenſe noiſe was heard towards the weſt, when that way directing my attention, I perceived within the extremity of the Mediterranean, within the domains of one of the nations of Europe, a prodigious movement, ſuch as when, in the boſom of a [70]vaſt city, a violent ſedition breaking out in all its parts, one ſees an innumerable people agitated and ruſhing like torrents into the ſtreets and public places. And my ears, ſtruck with ſhouts which rent the ſkie [...], diſtinguiſhed at intervals theſe phraſes.

"What is then this prodigy? What is this cruel and myſterious ſcourge? We are a numerous nation, yet we want hands! We have an excellent ſoil, and we want neceſſaries! We are active, laborious, and we live in indigence! We pay enormous taxes, and yet we are told they are not ſufficient! We are at peace abroad, and neither our perſons nor our property are in ſafety at home! What is then the concealed enemy which devours us?"

And certain voices, iſſuing from the boſom of the multitude, anſwered, "Erect a diſtinct ſtandard, around which let all thoſe aſſemble who, by uſeful labours, ſupport and nouriſh ſociety; and you will then diſcover the enemy which conſumes you."

And the ſtandard being raiſed, the nation was all at once divided into two bodies, unequal, and of an aſpect in all reſpects different from each other: the one innumerable and comparatively almoſt total, preſented in the general poverty of their apparel, and in the meagre tanned air of their countenance, appearances of miſery and labour; the ſmall group, an inconſiderable fraction, preſented in all the ſplendour of clothes, bedaubed with gold and ſilver, and in the plumpneſs of their faces, ſymptoms of leiſure and abundance. And, conſidering theſe men more attentively, I perceived that the great body was compoſed of labourers, of ar [...]izans, of ſhopkeepers, of all the profeſſions uſeful to ſociety; and that in the ſmall group there were only prieſts of the higher orders, financiers, nobles, great officers of armies: in a word, nothing but the civil, military, and religious agents of government.

After theſe two bodies had, in the preſence of each other, face to face, conſidered one another with aſtoniſhment, I ſaw indignation and rage ſpring [71]up on the one hand, and a kind of fear and diſmay on the other; when the great body ſaid to the ſmall one —.

"Why have you ſeparated from us? Are you not then o [...] [...] number?"

"N [...]," anſwered the ſmall group, "ye are but the people, we are a different kind of beings; we are of a diſtinguiſhed claſs; who have our laws, our cuſtoms, our rights pecular to ourſelves."

People. And what buſineſs do you follow in our ſociety?

Diſtinguiſhed Claſs. None;—we are not made to work.

People. How then have you acquired your riches?

Diſtinguiſhed Claſs. By taking [...]e trouble to govern you.

People. Really! Let us ſee what it is you call government? We toil and ſweat, and you enjoy; we produce, and you diſſipate:—Diſtinguiſhed Claſs, who are not the people, form a ſeparate nation, if you pleaſe, and take the trouble to govern yourſelves.

Whereupon the ſmall group, deliberating on the new caſe, a few of the moſt enlightened of them ſaid—"Let us join ourſelves again to the people, and ſhare with them their burdens and their occupations, for they are men as well as ourſelves;" but the reſt ſaid, "No, it would be a ſhame, it would be infamous to confound ourſelves with the vulgar; they are made to ſerve us; we are men of a different race."

And the Civil Governors ſaid, "This people is mild, and naturally ſervile, let us ſpeak to them of the king and of the law, and they will preſently re-enter into their duty. People! The king wills it, the ſovereign ordains it."

People. The king can only will the good of the people; the ſovereign can only ordain according to the law.

[72] Civil Governors. The law enacts that ye be ſubmiſſive.

People. The law is the general will, and we will a new order.

Civil Governors. You will be a rebellious people.

People. Nations cannot revolt; tyrants are the only rebels.

Civil Governors. The king is with us, and he commands you to ſubmit.

People. The kingly office originates in the people who elect one of themſelves to execute it for the general good; kings, therefore, are eſſentially indiviſible from their nations. The king of our's then cannot be with you; you only poſſeſs his phantom.

And the Military Governors ſtepping forward ſaid. "The people are timid, let us menace them; they only obey force. Soldiers, chaſtiſe this inſolent rabble!

People. Soldiers! you are of our own blood; Will you ſtrike your brothers? If the people periſh, who will maintain the army?

And the ſoldiers, grounding their arms, ſaid to their chiefs, we are alſo the people, we are the enemies of—

Whereupon, the Eccleſiaſtical Governors ſaid— "There is now but one reſource left; the people are ſuperſtitious; we muſt frighten them with the names of God and of religion.

Our dearly beloved brethren, our children—God has appointed us to govern you.

People. Produce to us your heavenly powers.

Prieſts. You muſt have faith: reaſon will lead you aſtray.

People. Do you govern then without reaſon?

Prieſts. God ordains peace. Religion pr [...]ſcribes obedience.

People. Peace pre-ſuppoſes juſtice. Obedience has a right to know the law it bows to.

Prieſts. Man is only born into this world to ſuffer.

[73] People. Do you then ſet us the example.

Prieſts. Will you live without Gods, and without kings?

People. We will live without tyrants, without impoſtors.

Prieſts. Meditators, interceders are neceſſary to you.

People. Meditators between us and God, between us and kings! Courtiers and prieſts, your ſervices coſt us too dear: we will henceforward treat for ourſelves immediately with the principals.

And hereupon the ſmall group ſaid, "We are undone: the multitude are enlightened.

And the people anſwered, You are ſaved; for inaſmuch as we are enlightened, we will not abuſe our power; we wiſh for nothing beyond our rights. We have reſentments, but we forget them: We were ſlaves, we might command, and retort upon you your own principles: we will only be free: we are ſo!

This dialogue between the people, and the idle claſſes, is the analyſis of all ſociety. All the vices all the political diſorders, are deducible from this ſource; Men who do nothing, and who devour the ſubſtance of others; men who arrogate to themſelves particular rights, excluſive privileges of riches and idleneſs; ſuch men are the ſource and definition of all the abuſes which exiſt among all nations. Compare the Mamloucks of Egypt, the nobles of Europe, the Nairs of India, the Emirs of Arabia, the Patricians of Rome, the Chriſtian Prieſts, the Imans, the Bramins, the Bonzes, the Lamas, &c. you will always find the ſame reſults, ‘Idle men living at the expence of thoſe who work.’

ON THE MINISTRY OR CLERGY: BY THE AUTHOR OF A PLEA FOR A COMMONWEALTH.

[74]

IT being the method of Heaven, for judgment to begin at the houſe of God. I ſhall firſt ſpeak to the reformation of the public miniſtry or national clergy, ſo far as they ſeem prompted by their intereſt to run counter to that of a commonwealth; and though I know (notwithſtanding the complexion of their coat, which ſeems, or at leaſt ought to promiſe greater moderation) it is no leſs dangerous to meddle, or in the leaſt exaſperate this generation of men, than to puddle in a hornets neſt, or encounter a bear robbed of her whelps: yet my conſcience bearing me witneſs, I have neither malice to their perſons, nor envy their preferments: I ſhall not forbear to give in my teſtimony againſt the corrupt intereſt and principles wherewith they are leavened: where by the way, I muſt profeſs myſelf unſatisfied of what ground or foundation may (ſince the Jewiſh prieſthood was aboliſhed) be found in ſcripture, for that diſtinction between the laity and clergy, which cuſtom hath introduced into moſt Chriſtian commonwealths: my zeal and charity being apt to prompt me to a like wiſh with that of Moſes, That all the Lords people were prophets: or rather, to think all the Lord's people are holy, and to be accounted a royal prieſthood to God, Nor can I perſuade myſelf learning is ſo neceſſary a qualification for teaching the goſpel, as ſome would make us believe, having obſerved our Saviour altogether rejected the wiſdom of man, and made not uſe [...] the learned ſcribes, or doctors of the law, but ſimple and illiterate fiſhermen, to be the firſt heralds of peace unto the world, to proclaim goodwill to the children of men, to be the firſt evangeliſts, and meſſengers of the glad tidings of ſalvation: and indeed [75]the introduction of learned rabbies into the church of Chriſt, and blending divinity with the learning of the gentiles, ſeems to run counter to the whole deſign of the goſpel, which is by the fooliſhneſs of preaching, to confound the wiſdom of the world. Certainly the ſword of God's ſpirit will be able to do its work, though not managed by the ſkilful hand of an artiſt, or maſter of fence, that hath been brought up in the polemicks and digladiations of human literature, vain philoſophy, or ſophiſtry of the ſchools,

Nor do I find that the apoſtles, and thoſe ſent forth by Chriſt, to be the Catholic Biſhops of the whole earth, and to teach all nations, did aſſume unto themſelves any diſtinction of garb, colour, or habits, from the [...]eſt of Chriſt's flock; and I have read of ſome that were cenſured in the primitive times, or firſt centuries, for wearing large black cloaks; for what is this but to bring back thoſe jewiſh types and ſhadows, to cloud and obſcure the brightneſs of the Goſpel's diſpenſation, that were long ſince diſpelled and abrogated by the riſing of the Sun of righteouſneſs upon the world? For as one who hath lately well obſerved, What is the canonical girdle, and formality of doctors wearing boots, but as types and alluſions to thoſe places, of having their loins, girt, and their feet ſhod with the preparation of the goſpel, &c?

Nor do I read that they who were called to the miniſtry, did look upon that as a writ of caſe, or ſufficient warrant to quit their other particular callings, trades, and vocations; but that Paul wrought with his hands, that he might not become burdenſome; and it is generally preſumed our Saviour wrought at his father's trade; not that I would not have thoſe that miniſter in ſpiritual things, reap of other's carnal; but that it ſeems more according to the rule and preſident of the goſpel, that they ſhould be content with what voluntary contribution, [76]God ſhall move the people's hearts unto, than by force and rigour of law exact a maintenance.

And when I find the apoſtle ſaluting the church in Caeſar's family, I am prompted to wiſh, that all our houſes were chapels unto the Lord, and that our families (like that of Caeſar's) contained a church within them. I am ſure it is no new obſervation, that the greateſt heat and zeal of religion hath been always found in conventicles and private meetings; which ſuggeſts unto my thoughts, no ſmall ground of ſuſpicion, that our parochial churches, bells, together with the whole order, pomp, method, and formality of our national clergy, and public worſhip, ſtands upon no other foundation than that of human invention, which by the ſtream of corrupt times, have been carried beyond the pattern and preſident of the primitive ages, and become very unlike and diſſonant to the examplar Chriſt and his apoſtles left us.

Nor am I ſatisfied, if the generality of men are uncapable of receiving the truth and power of godlineſs, whether the endeavours of giving all men a tincture of religion, and forcing them into the garb and livery of an outward profeſſion, which is the great deſign of, and plea for a national clergy be more acceptable unto God than morality. I know under the law, God had a peculiar people, that were picked and culled (as it were) from the droſs and rubbiſh of the reſt of mankind, that were to be built up in an outward profeſſion, and national way of public worſhip, adorned with many ceremonies, together with much pomp, and outward ſplendour, but whether religion be not now under the goſpel, a more inward, refined, ſpiritual and leſs viſible thing. I humbly ſubmit to ſerious conſideration. And if I am herein miſtaken (for I pretend not to infallibility) I ſhould be thankful to any, God ſhall be pleaſed to make uſe of as inſtruments to better inform me; for I would willingly ſee and know my errors.

[77]But if it be here objected, that the primitive times were times of perſecution, in which the church was (as it were) under hatches, and chriſtianity in its infancy, and the profeſſors thereof forced to hide themſelves in holes of the rocks, and caves of the earth; but now, having gained ground upon the world, and being in better plight, and ſince it is come up out of Egypt from the houſe of bondage, from under the preſſures, perſecutions, afflictions, and burdens of the heatheniſh taſk-maſters, under which it formerly groaned, ought according to the example of the Iſraelites, be adorned with the ſpoils of the heathen, &c.

I anſwer, that as the kingdom of God comes not with obſervation, ſo it conſiſts not in any outward pomp and ſplendour. Its ſaid, the king's daughter (or ſpouſe of Chriſt) is all glorious within; and by how much the more ground chriſtianity hath gained upon the world, by ſo much the leſs need doth it now ſtand of the wiſdom and learning of men to commend and propagate it, than when it was to encounter with ſo great oppoſition, and ſuch potent antagoniſts, as under the heathen emperors it met withal. And if the truth did then under all thoſe diſadvantages not only make good its ground but ſo much gained upon the world, when it had few other champions than poor fiſhermen, and illiterate mechanics, how much leſs need it now fear brow-beating, when the power of God hath ſubdued ſo many nations to the knowledge and obedience of his truth, and hath made princes of the earth bow unto the ſcepter of his Son?

Whether the nation is yet willing to part with their calves they have ſo long worſhipped, I know not, but I am ſure it hath pleaſed God to give them a great diſcovery of the corruption, pride, ambition and flattery of this ſort of men; how willing they could be to reap their own profit, though ſown in, and ſpringing from the ruin of the nation's liberty [78]and felicity; how willingly they could ſell their brethren ſlaves into the hands of tyranny and oppreſſion, to purchaſe to themſelves dominion and lordſhip.

THE DESIRE OF GLORY NATURALLY GENERATED IN REPUBLICS.
FROM THE PERSIAN LETTERS

THE ſanctuary of honour, reputation, and virtue; ſeems to be placed in republics, and in thoſe ſtates where a man may with ſafety pronounce the word, country. At Rome, Athens, and Sparta, honour was the only reward for the moſt ſignal ſervices. A crown of oak-leaves, or laurel, a ſtatue, an inſcription, was an immence return for a battle won, or a city taken.

There, a man that had performed a noble action, thought himſelf ſufficiently recompenced in the action itſelf. He could not ſee one of his countrymen, without feeling the inward ſatisfaction of knowing himſelf his benefactor; he reckoned the [...]ber of his ſervices by that of his fellow citizens. Any man is capable of doing a piece of ſervice to another man; but it is ſomewhat divine to contribute to the happineſs of a whole ſociety.

The manly Spirit produced in France, by their new Syſtem of Equality.
From Dr. Moore's Journal.

IT was natural to think that the introduction of the term egalite would, produce an univerſal inſolence among the lower claſſes of people in France, towards their ſuperiors: but I confeſs I have not [79]hitherto remarked any diſagreeable inſtances of this nature. No perſon, indeed, of whatever rank, is allowed to dreſs his footmen in livery, but every one is allowed to have as many footmen as he pleaſes; and when L. L—'s carriage was driving, a day or two ſince, in at the gates of the Louvre, it was ſtopped by the centinel, who had obſerved that the hammer-cloth had fringes of a different colour; and informed his lordſhip, that ſuch a kind of diſtinction was no where permitted in France being contrary to that egalite, which every Frenchman had ſworn to. The coachman had been ordered never to uſe any but a plain cloth: but having a fringed one in his poſſeſſion, of which he was very vain, he had ventured to adorn his coach-box with it, on this unfortunate day. As the poor fellow was taking it off with a very mortified air, the valet de-place reproached him for having put it on; which the ſentinel over hearing, ſaid angrily to the coachman, ‘ll ſied bien à un gueux comone toi d'etre ariſtocrate.’ (It well becomes a beggar like you to give yourſelf the airs of an ariſtocrate.)

A few days ſince, I ſaw a man dreſſed in the uniform of a general officer come up to a poor fellow, who with a pike in his hand, ſtood centinel at a gate, and addreſſing him by the name of "Citoyen Soldat," aſked him the way to a particular ſtreet.

The pikemen were formerly conſidered as of a rank inferior to the national guards, who are armed with muſkets; but of late they are put on a footing, and do duty together; but ſtill it might have been expected, that this gentleman's rank in the army would have commanded the ſtrongeſt marks of reſpect from a common ſoldier, if his laced coat failed to produce them in a poor fellow almoſt in rags.

"Tenez, mon camarade," ſaid the pikeman; ‘you will firſt turn to the right, and then walk ſtraight on until, &c.’

[80]The officer having heard the directions, returned thanks to the Citoyen Soldat, and moving his hat, walked away.

An extract from the Examination of James Harrington, wh [...]n confined in the Tower, by the Earl of Lauderdale, &c.

Har.

MY Lord, in the preamble, you charge me with being eminent in principles, contrary to the king's government, and the laws of this nation. Some, my lord have aggravated this, ſaying that I, being a private man, have been ſo mad as to meddle with politics: what had a private man to do with government? My Lord, there is not any public perſon, not any magiſtrate, that has written in the politics worth a button. All that have been excellent in this way, have been private men, my lord as myſelf. There is Plat [...] there is Ariſtotle, there is Livi, there is Machiavel. My Lord, I can ſum up Ariſtotle's politics in a very few words; he ſays there is the barbarous monarchy, (ſuch a one where the people have no voices in making the laws): he ſays there is the heroic monarchy (ſuch a one where the people have their votes in making the laws); and then he ſays there is the democracy; and affirms, that a man CANNOT be ſaid to have liberty, but in a democracy only.

My Lord Lauderdale, who thus far had been very attentive, at this ſhewed ſome impatience.
Har.

I SAY Ariſtotle ſays ſo: I have not ſaid ſo much. And under what prince was it? Was it not under Alexander the greateſt prince then in the world? I beſeech you, my lord, did Alexander hang up Ariſtotle, did he moleſt him? Livi for a commonwealth is one of the fulleſt authors: did not he write under Aguſtus Coeſar? did Coeſar hang up Livi [81]did he moleſt him? Machiavel, what a commonwealth's man was he? but he wrote under the Medici, when they were princes in Florence, did they hang up Malchiavel, or did they moleſt him? I have done no otherwiſe than as the greateſt politicians, the king will do no otherwiſe than as the greateſt princes. But, my Lord, theſe authors had not that to ſay for themſelves that I have; I did not write under a prince, I wrote under a uſurper, Oliver. He having ſtarted up into the throne, his officers (as pretending to be for a commonwealth) kept a murmuring, at which he told them, that he knew not what they meant, nor themſelves: but let any of them ſhew him what they meant, by a commonwealth (or that there was any ſuch thing) they ſhould ſee that he ſought not himſelf, but to make good the cauſe. Upon this ſome ſober men came to me, and told me, if any man in England could ſhew what a commonwealth was, it was myſelf. Upon this perſuaſion I wrote, and after I had written, Oliver never anſwered his officers as he had done before, therefore I wrote not againſt the king's government. And for the law, if the law could have puniſhed me, Oliver had done it; therefore my writing was not obnoxious to the law. After Oliver, the Parliament ſaid that they were a commonwealth, I ſaid they were not, and proved it; inſomuch that the Parliament accounted me a cavalier and one that had no other deſign in my writing, than to bring in the King, and now the King, firſt of any man, makes me a roundhead.

Lord.

Theſe things are out of doors; if you be no plotter, the King does not reflect upon your writings.

Notwithſtanding the apparent innocence of our author, he was ſtill detained a cloſe priſoner many months.

A SONG.

[82]
O'ER the vine-cover'd hills and gay regions of France.
See the day-ſtar of Liberty riſe;
O'er the clouds of detraction unweared advance,
And hold its new courſe thro' the ſkies.
An effulgence ſo mild, with a luſtre ſo bright,
All Europe with wonder ſurveys;
And from deſerts of darkneſs; and dungeons of night,
Contends for a ſhare of the blaze.
Let Burke, like a bat, from its ſplendour retire,
A ſplendour too ſtrong for his eyes;
Let pedants, and fools, his effuſions admire,
Intrapt in his cobwebs like flies.
Shall phrenzy and ſophiſtry hope to prevail,
Where reaſon oppoſes her weight;
When the welfare of millions is hung on the ſcale,
And the balance yet trembles with fate?
Ah! who, midſt the horrors of night would abide
That can taſte the pure breezes of morn,
Or who that has drunk of the chryſtaline tide,
To the feculent flood would return?
When the boſom of beauty the throbbing heart meets,
Ah, who can the tranſport decline?
Or who that has taſted of liberty's ſweets,
The prize but with life would reſign?
—But 'tis over—high Heav'n the deciſion approves,
Oppreſſion has ſtruggled in vain;
To the hell ſhe has form'd ſuperſtition removes,
And tyranny bites his own chain.
In the records of time a new aera unfolds,
All nature exalts in its birth —
His creation benign, the Creator beholds,
And gives a new charter to earth.
[83]
O catch its high import, ye winds as ye blow,
O bear it ye waves as ye roll!
From regions that feel the ſun's vertical glow,
To the fartheſt extremes of the pole.
Equal rights—equal laws—to the nations around,
Peace and friendſhip its precepts impart,
And wherever the footſteps of man ſhall be found,
May he bind the decree on his heart.

REASONS OF MONARCHY.
[From HARRINGTON's OCEANA]

I HAVE often thought it ſtrange, that among all the governments, either paſt or preſent, the monarchial ſhould ſo far in extent and number exceed the popular, as that they could never yet come into compariſon. I could never be perſuaded but it was more happy for a people to be diſpoſed of by a number of perſons jointly intereſted and concerned with them, than to be numbered as the herd and inheritance of one, to whoſe luſt and madneſs they were abſolutely ſubject; and that any man of the weakeſt reaſon and generoſity, would not rather chuſe for his habitation that ſpot of earth, where there was acceſs to honour by virtue and no worth could be excluded, rather than that where all advancement ſhould proceed from the will of one ſcarcely hearing or ſeeing with his own organs, and gained for the moſt part by means lewd and indirect: and all this in the end to amount to nothing elſe but a more ſplendid and dangerous ſlavery.

He knows nothing, that knows not how ſuperſtitiouſly, the generality of mankind is given to retain traditions, and how pertinacious they are in the maintenance of their firſt prejudices, inſomuch that a diſcovery or more refined reaſon is as inſupportable to them, as the ſun is to an eye, newly brought out of darkneſs. Hence opinionativeneſs (which is commonly proportioned to their ignorance) [84]and a generous obſtinacy, ſometimes to death and ruin. So that it is no wonder if we ſee many gentlemen, whoſe education enabled them only to uſe their ſenſes and firſt thoughts, ſo dazzled with the ſplendour of a court, prepoſſeſſed with the affection of a prince, or bewitched with ſome ſubdalous favour, that they choſe rather any hazard than the enchantment ſhould be diſſolved. Others, perhaps a degree above theſe, yet in reſpect of ſome title ſtuck upon the family (which has been as fortunate a myſtery of king-craft as any other) or in reverence to ſome glorious former atchievments [minding not that in all theſe caſes the people are the only effective means, and the king only imaginary] think they ſhould degenerate from bravery in bringing on a change. Others are withheld by ſloth and timorouſneſs, either not daring, or unwilling to be happy; ſome looking no further than their private welfare, indifferent at the multiplication of public evils; others [and theſe the worſt of all] out of a pravity of nature ſacrificing to their ambition and avarice, and in order to that following any power, concurring with any machinations, and ſupporting their authors; while princes themſelves [trained up in theſe arts, or receiving them by tradition] know how to wind all their humours to their own advantage, now foiſting the divinity of their titles into pulpits, now amuſing the people with pomp and ſhows, now diverting their hot ſpirits to ſome unprofitable foriegn war [making way to their accurſed ends of revenge or glory, with the effuſion of that blood which ſhould be as dear to them as their own] now ſtroking the people with ſome feeble but inforced law, for which notwithſtanding they will be paid [and it is obſerved the moſt notorious tyrants have taken this courſe] now giving up the eminenteſt of of their miniſters, [which they part with as indifferently as their robes] to the rage and fury of the people: ſo that they are commanded and condemned by the ſame [85]mouth, and the credulous and ignorant, believing their king divinely ſet over them, ſit ſtill, and by degrees grow into quiet and admiration, eſpecially if lulled aſleep with ſome ſmall continuance of peace (be it ever ſo injuſt, unſound, or dangerous) as if the body politic could not languiſh of an internal diſeaſe, though its complexion be freſh and cheerful, Thoſe are the reaſon which (if I conceive aright) have ſtupified the leſs knowing part of mankind.

THE FREE NOTIONS OF THE ENGLISH.
FROM THE PERSIAN LETTERS.

ALL the nations of Europe are not under equal ſubjection to their princes: for inſtance, the impatient humour of the Engliſh ſeldom gives the king leiſure to extend or ſtrengthen his authority: Submiſſion and obedience are virtues they very little value themſelves upon. They, hold very extraordinary opinions about this article. According to them there is but one tie that has any effect upon men, which is that of gratitude: a huſband, a wife, a father, a ſon, are bound to each other by nothing, but either the love they bear to each other, or mutual ſervices and benefits; and theſe various motives of acknowledgement, are the origin of all kingdoms, and all ſocieties.

But if a prince, inſtead of endeavouring to make his ſubjects happy, ſtudies only how to oppreſs and deſtroy them, the foundation of obedience ceaſes; nothing ties, nothing obliges them to him, and they return to their natural liberty. They maintain that no unlimited power can be lawful, becauſe it could never have a lawful beginning. For we cannot, ſay they, give to another more power over us than we have over ourſelves: Now we have not an unlimited power over ourſelves; for inſtance, we cannot touch our own lives; no man upon earth therefore, conclude they, can have ſuch a power.

High treaſon, according to them, is nothing but a crime committed by the weaker againſt the [86]ſtronger, by diſobeying him, let him diſobey him in what way he will. And accordingly the people of England, happening to prove the ſtronger in a contention with one of their kings, declared it to be high treaſon in a prince to make war upon his ſubjects. They have very good reaſon, therefore to ſay, that the precept in their Alcoran, which enjoins obedience to the powers, is not very hard to follow, ſince they cannot help following it if they would; in as much as it is not to the moſt virtuous that they are bound to ſubmit, but to the ſtrongeſt.

The Engliſh tell you, that one of their kings having overcome and taken a prince that rebelled againſt him, and diſputed the crown with him, and upbraiding him with his treachery and perfidiouſneſs:—It has been decided but a moment, anſwered the unfortunate prince, which of us two is the traitor.

ON LOYALTY. FROM CATO'S LETTERS.

NO good prince will pretend that there is any loyalty due to him further, than he himſelf is loyal to the law, and obſervant of his people, the makers of kings and of laws. If any man miſled by ſound and deluſion, doubt this, let him conſider what is the deſign of magiſtracy, and what the duty of magiſtrates; and if he has reaſon in him, he will find that his duty is only due to thoſe who perform theirs. That protection and allegiance are reciprocal; that every man has a right to defend what no man has a right to take: That the divine right of kings, if they had it, can only warrant them in doing actions that are divine, and cannot protect them in cruelty, depredation and oppreſſion: That a divine right to act wickedly, is a contradiction and blaſphemy, as it is Maledictio Supremi Numinis, a reproach upon the Deity, as if he gave [87]any man a commiſſion to be a devil: That a king in compariſon with the univerſe, is not ſo much as a mayor of a town in compariſon of a kingdom; and that, were Mr. Mayor, called king, it would give him no new right; or, if a king were only called Mr. Mayor, it would not leſſon nor abrogate his old juriſdiction: That they are both civil officers, and that an offence in the leſſer is more pardonable than an offence in the greater. That the doctrines of unbroken hereditary right, and blind obedience, are the flights and forgeries of flatterers, who belie Heaven, and abuſe men, to make their own court to power, and that not one of them will ſtand the trial himſelf; in fine, that government, honeſt and legal government, is imperium legum non hominum, the authority of law, and not of luſt.

Theſe are the principles upon which our government ſtands, the principles upon which every free government muſt ſtand: and that we Britons, dare tell ſuch truths, and publiſh ſuch principles is a glorious proof of our civil and religious freedom: They are truths which every Briton ought to know, even children and ſervants; They are eternal truths, that will remain for ever, though in too many countries they are dangerous or uſeleſs or little known.

Before I have done, I would take notice of another miſtake very common, concerning loyalty: It is indeed a trick more than a miſtake; I mean of thoſe who would aſſert or rather create a ſort of LOYALTY TO MINISTERS, and make every thing which they do not like, an offence againſt their maſter.

FROM SWIFT's WORKS. AN UNPLEASANT LESSON FOR THE PIGS' BETTERS.

I HAD the curioſity to enquire, in a particular manner, by what method great numbers had procured to themſelves high titles of honour, and [88]prodigious eſtates; and I confined my enquiry to a very modern period. However, without granting upon preſent times, becauſe I would be ſure to give no offence, even to foreigners (for I hope the reader need not be told, that I do not in the leaſt intend my own country, in what I ſay upon this occaſion) and a great number of perſons were called up, and, upon a very ſlight examination, diſcovered ſuch a ſcene of infamy, that I cannot reflect upon it without ſome ſeriouſneſs. Perjury, oppreſſion, ſubbrnation, fraud, pandariſm, and the like infirmities, were amongſt the moſt excuſeable arts they had to maintain, and for theſe I gave, as it was reaſonable great allowance. But, when ſome confeſſed they owed their greatneſs and wealth to ſodomy, or inceſt; others, to the proſtituting of their own wives and daughters; others to the betraying of their country, or their prince; ſome to poiſoning, more to the perverting of juſtice, in order to deſtroy the innocent: I hope I may be pardoned, if theſe diſcoveries inclined me a little to abate of that profound veneration which I am naturally apt to pay to perſons of HIGH rank, who ought to be treated with the utmost reſpect, due to their ſublime dignity, by us their inferiors.

LESSONS FOR THE MONOPOLIZERS OF LAND.

Leſſon I.

Lev. Chap. xxv.—And thou ſhalt number ſeven ſabbaths of years unto thee, ſeven times ſeven years; and the ſpace of the ſeven ſabbaths of years ſhall be unto thee forty and nine years. Then ſhalt thou cauſe the trumpet of the Jubilee to ſound on the tenth day of the ſeventh month, in the day of atonement ſhall ye make the trumpet ſound throughout all your land. And ye ſhall hallow the fiftieth [89]year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inkabitants thereof: It ſhall be a Jubilee unto you: And ye ſhall return every man unto his poſſeſſion, and ye ſhall return every man unto his family. A Jubilee ſhall that fiftieth yeer be unto you: You ſhall not ſow, nor reap that which groweth of itſelf in it, nor gather the grapes in it of thy vine undreſſed. For it is the Jubilee; it ſhall be holy unto you: Ye ſhall eat the encreaſe thereof out of the field. In the year of the Jubilee, ye ſhall return every man unto his poſſeſſion.

The land ſhall not be ſold for ever: For the land is mine; for ye are ſtrangers and ſojourners with me. And in all the land of your poſſeſſion ye ſhall grant a redemption for the land. If thy brother be waxen poor, and hath ſold away ſome of his poſſeſſion, and if any of his kin come to redeem it, then ſhall he redeem that which his brother ſold. And if the man have none to redeem it; and himſelf be able to redeem it; then let him count the years of the ſale thereof, and reſtore the overplus unto the man to whom he ſold it; that he may return unto his poſſeſſion. But if he be not able to reſtore it to him, then that which is ſold ſhall remain in the hand of him that bought, until the year of jubilee; and in the jubilee it ſhall go out, and he ſhall return unto his poſſeſſion.

Leſſon II.

Iſaiah, v. 8.—Woe unto them that join houſe to houſe, that lay field to field, till there be no place, that they may be placed alone in the midſt of the earth.

ON EQUALITY. From Puffendorf's Whole Duty of Man, according to the Law of Nature.

MAN is a creature not only moſt ſolicitous for the preſervation of himſelf, but has of himſelf ſo nice an eſtimation and value, that to diminiſh [90]any thing thereof does frequently move in him as great indignation as if a miſchief were done to his body or eſtate. Nay, there ſeems to him to be ſomewhat of dignity in the appellation of MAN: ſo that the laſt and moſt efficacious argument to curb the arrogance of inſulting men, is [...]ſually—I am not a dog, but a man as well as yourſelf. Since then human nature is the ſame in us all, and ſince no man will or can cheerfully join in ſociety with any, by whom he is not at leaſt to be eſteemed equal as a man, and as a partaker of the ſame common nature. It follows that, among thoſe duties which men owe to each other, this obtains the ſecond place, That every man eſteem and treat another, as naturally equal to himſelf, or as one who is a man as well as he:

Now this equality of mankind does not alone conſiſt in this, that men of ripe age have almoſt the ſame ſtrength, or if one be weaker, he may be able to kill the ſtronger, either by treachery, or dexterity, or by being better furniſhed with weapons: but in this, that though nature may have accompliſhed one man beyond another, with various endowments of body and mind: yet nevertheleſs he is obliged to an obſervation of the precepts of the law-natural towards the meaner perſon, after the ſame manner as he himſelf expects the ſame [...]on others; and has not therefore any greater liberty given him to inſult upon his fellows. As, on the other ſide, the niggardlineſs of nature or fortune cannot of themſelves ſet any man ſo low as that he ſhall be in a worſe condition, as to the enjoyment of common right, than others. But what one man may: rightfully demand or expect from as another, the ſame is due to others alſo (circumſtancies being alike) from him; and whatſoever one ſhall deem reaſonable to be done by others, the like it is moſt juſt he practiſe himſelf; For the obligation of maintaining ſociality among mankind, [91]equally binds every man; neither may one man more than another violate the law of nature, in any part. Not but that there are other popular reaſons which illuſtrate this equality; to wit, That we are all deſcended of the ſame ſtock; that we are all born, nouriſhed, and die after the ſame manner; and, that God has not given any of us a certain aſſurance, that our happy condition in this world ſhall not at one time or other be changed. Beſides, the precepts of the Chriſtian religion tell us, that God favours not man for his nobility, power, or wealth, but for ſincere piety, which may as well be found in a mean and humble man, as in thoſe of high degree.

Now from this equality it follows, That he who would uſe the aſſiſtance of others in promoting his own advantage, ought to be as free and ready to uſe his power and abilities for their ſervice, when they want his help and aſſiſtance on like occaſions. For he who requires that other men ſhould do him kindneſſes, and expects himſelf to be free from doing the like, muſt be of opinion, that thoſe other men are below himſelf and not his equals. Hence as thoſe perſons are the beſt members of a community, who, without any difficulty, allow the ſame things to their neighbours that themſelves require of him; ſo thoſe are altogether incapable of ſociety, who ſetting a high rate on themſelves, in regard to others, will take upon them to act any thing towards their neighbour, and expect greater deference and more reſpect than the reſt of mankind; and in their inſolent manner demanding a greater portion unto themſelves of thoſe things, to which, all men having a common right, they can in reaſon claim no larger ſhare than other men: Whence this alſo is an univerfal duty of the lawnatural, That no man, who has not a peculiar right ought to arrogate more to himſelf than he is ready to allow to his fellows, but that he permit other men to enjoy equal privileges with himſelf.

[92]The ſame e quality alſo ſhews what every man's behaviour ought to be, when his buſineſs is to diſtribute juſtice among others; to wit, that he treat them as equals, and indulge not that, unleſs the merits of the cauſe require it, to one, which he dentes to another: For, if he do otherwiſe, he who is diſcountenanced is, at the ſame time, affronted and wronged, and loſes ſomewhat of the dignity which nature beſtowed upon him. Whence it follows, that things which are in common, are of right to be divided by equal parts among thoſe who are equal: Where the thing will not admit of diviſion, they who are equally concerned, are to uſe it indifferently; and, if the quantity of the thing will bear it, as much as each party ſhall think fit; But if this cannot be allowed, then it is to be uſed after a ſtated manner, and proportioned to the number of the claimants; becauſe it is not poſſible to find out any other way of obſerving equality. But if it be a thing of that nature as not to be capable of being divided, nor of being poſſeſſed in common, then it muſt be uſed by turns; and if this yet will not anſwer the point, and it is not poſſible the reſt ſhould be ſatisfied by an equivalent. the beſt way muſt be, to determine poſſeſſion by lot; for in ſuch caſes, no fitter method can be thought on, to remove all opinion of partiality and contempt of any party, without debaſing the perſon whom fortune does not favour,

ON THE ABSURDITY OF UNALTERABLE ESTABLISHMENTS. FROM PRIESTLY ON GOVERNMENT.

HIGHLY as we think of the wiſdom of our anceſtors, we juſtly think ourſelves, of the preſent-age, wiſer, and, if we be not blinded by [93]the prejudice of education, muſt ſee, that we can, in many reſpects, improve upon the inſtitutions they have tranſmitted to us. Let us not doubt, but that every generation in poſterity will be as much ſuperior to us in political, and in all kinds of knowledge, and that they will be able to improve upon the beſt civil inſtitutions that we can preſcribe for them. Inſtead then of adding to the difficulties which we ourſelves find, in making the improvements we wiſh to introduce, let us make this great and deſireable work eaſier to them than it has been to us.

However, ſuch is the progreſs of knowledge, and the enlargement of the human mind, that, in future time, notwithſtanding all obſtructions thrown in the way of human genius, men of great and exalted views will undoubtedly ariſe, who will ſee through, and deteſt our narrow politics; when the ill-adviſers, and ill-adviſed authous of theſe illiberal and contracted ſchemes, will be remembered with infamy and execration: When notwithſtanding their talents as ſtateſmen or writers, and though they may have purſued the ſame mind enſlaving ſchemes by more artful and leſs ſanguinary methods, they will be ranked among the Bonners and Gardeners of paſt ages; they muſt have been worſe than Bonners and Gardeners, who could purſue the ſame ends by the ſame means, in this more humane and more enlightened age.

England hath hitherto taken the lead, in almoſt every thing, great and good, and her citizens ſtand foremoſt in the annals of fame, as having ſhaken off the fetters which hung upon the human mind, and called it forth to the exertion of its nobleſt powers. And her conſtitution has been ſo far from receiving any injury from the efforts of theſe her free-born enterpriſing ſons, that ſhe is in part, indebted to them for the unrivalled reputation [94]ſhe now enjoys, of having the beſt ſyſtem of policy in Europe. After weathering ſo many real ſtorms, let us not quit the helm at the apprehenſion of imaginary dangers, but ſteadily hold on in what, I truſt, is the moſt glorious courſe that a government can be in. Let all the friends of liberty and human nature join to free the minds of men from the ſhackles of narrow and impolitic laws. Let us be free ourſelves, and leave the bleſſings of freedom to our poſterity.

In ſhort, it ſeems to have been the intention of Divine Providence, that mankind ſhould be, as far as poſſible, ſelf-taught; that we ſhould attain to every thing excellent and uſeful, as the reſult of our own experience and obſervation; that our judgment ſhould be formed by the appearances which, are preſented to them, and our hearts inſtructed by their own feelings. But by the unnatural ſyſtem of rigid, unalterable eſtabliſhments, we put it out of our power to inſtruct ourſelves, or to derive any advantage from the lights we acquire from experience and obſervation; and thereby, as far as in our power, we counteract the kind intentions of the Deity in the conſtitution of the world, and in providing for a ſtate of conſtant, though ſlow improvement in every thing.

In ſpite of all the fetters we can lay upon the human mind, notwithſtanding all poſſible diſcouragements in the way of free enquiry, knowledge of all kinds will encreaſe. The wiſdom of one generation will be folly in the next. And that, though we have ſeen this verified in the hiſtory of near two thouſand years, we perſiſt in the abſurd maxim of making a preceding generation dictate to a ſucceeding one, which is the ſame thing as making the fooliſh inſtruct the wiſe; for what is a lower degree of wiſdom but comparatively folly?

Were any more laws reſtraining the liberty of the preſs in force, it is impoſſible to ſay how far [95]they might be conſtrued to extend. Thoſe already in being are more than are requiſite, and inconſiſtent with the intereſts of truth. Were they to extend further, every author would lie at the mercy of the miniſters of ſtate, who might condemn, indiſcriminately, upon ſome pretence or other, every work that gave them umbrage; under ſuch circumſtances; might fall ſome of the greateſt and nobleſt productions of the human mind, if ſuch works could be produced in thoſe circumſtances. For, if men of genius knew they could not publiſh the diſcoveries they made, they would not give free ſcope to their faculties, in making and purſuing thoſe diſcoveries. It is the thought of publication, and the proſpect of fame, which is generally the great incentive to men of genius to exert their faculties, in attempting the untrodden paths of ſpeculation. In thoſe unhappy circumſtances, writers would entertain a dread of every new ſubject. No man could ſafely indulge himſelf in any thing bold, enterpriſing, and out of the vulgar road; and in all publications we ſhould ſee a timidity incompatable with the ſpirit of diſcovery. If any towering genius ſhould ariſe in thoſe unfavourable circumſtances, a Newton in the natural world; or a Locke, a Hutchinſon, a Clarke, or a Harley in the moral, the only effectual method to prevent their defuſing a ſpirit of enterprize or innovation, which is natural to ſuch great ſouls, could be no other than that which Tarquin ſo ſignificantly expreſſed, by taking off the heads of all thoſe poppies which overlooked the reſt. Such men could not but be dangerous, and give umbrage in a country, where it was the maxim of the government, that every thing of importance ſhould for ever remain unalterably fixed.

GENERAL POLITICAL APHORISMS OR MAXIMS. FROM HARRINGTON'S WORKS.

[96]

TO leave ourſelves and poſterity to a farther purchaſe in blood and ſweat of that which we may preſently poſſeſs, enjoy, and hereafter bequeath to poſterity in peace and glory, is inhuman and impious.

As certainly and ſuddenly as a good ſtate of health diſpels the peeviſhneſs and peril of ſickneſs, does a good ſtate of government the animoſity and danger of parties.

The frame of a commonwealth, having been firſt propoſed and conſidered, expedients (in caſe ſuch ſhould be found neceſſary for the ſafe effectual, and perfect introduction of the ſame) may with ſome aim be applied and fitted; as to a houſe, when the model is reſolved upon, we fit ſcaffolds in building. But firſt to reſolve upon expedients, and then to fit to them the frame of a commonwealth, is as if one ſhould ſet up props, and then build a houſe to lean upon them.

While the civil and religious parts of a commonwealth are in forming, there is a neceſſity that ſhe ſhould be ſupported by an army; but when the military and provincial parts are rightly formed, ſhe can have no farther uſe of any other army. Wherefore at this point, and not till then, her armies are by the practice of commonwealths, upon ſlighter occaſions, to have half pay for life, and to be diſbanded.

Where there is a ſtanding army, and not a formed government, there the army of neceſſity will have dictatorian power.

[97]Where an army ſubſiſts upon the pay or riches of a ſingle perſon, or of a nobility, that army is always monarchical. Where an army ſubſiſts not by the riches of a ſingle perſon, nor of a nobility, that army is always popular.

The reaſon why the nations that have commonwealths uſe them ſo well, and cheriſh them ſo much, and yet that ſo few nations have commonwealths, is, that in uſing a commonwealth it is not neceſſary it ſhould be underſtood; but in making a commonwealth, that it be underſtood is of abſolute neceſſity.

It ſhall be as ſoon found when and where the ſoul of a man was in the body of a beaſt, as when or where the ſoul or freedom natural to democracy, was in any other form than that only of a ſenate, and an aſſembly of the people.

As the ſoul of man can never be in the body of a beaſt, unleſs God make a new creation; ſo neither the ſoul or freedom, natural to democracy, in any other form whatſoever than that only of a ſenate and a popular aſſembly.

To the making of a well ordered commonwealth, there goes little more of pains or charge, or work without doors, than the eſtabliſhment of an equal or apt diviſion of the territory, and the propoſing of ſuch election to the diviſions ſo made, as from an equal foundation may raiſe equal ſuperſtructures; the reſt being but paper work, is as ſoon done as ſaid or voted.

The higheſt earthly felicity that a people can aſk or God can give, is an equal and well ordered commonwealth. Such a one among the Iſraelites was the reign of GOD; and ſuch a one (for the ſame reaſon) may be among Christians the reign of CHRIST, though not every one in the Christian commonwealth ſhould be any more a Christian indeed, than every one in the Iſraelitish commonwealth was an Iſraelite indeed.

ADDRESS AND DECLARATION OF THE FRIENDS of Univerſal PEACE and LIBERTY' Held at the Thatched Houſe Tavern, St. James's-street, August 20, 1791.

[98]
Friends and Fellow Citizens.

AT a moment like the preſent, when wilful miſrepreſentations are induſtriouſly ſpread by the partizans of arbitrary power, and the advocates of paſſive obedience and Court-Government; we think it incumbent upon us to declare to the world our principles, and the motives of our conduct.

We rejoice at the glorious event of the French Revolution.

If it be aſked—What is the French Revolution to us?

We anſwer—It is much. Much to us as men: Much to us as Engliſhmen.

As men, we rejoice in the freedom of twenty-five millions of our fellow men. We rejoice in the proſpect, which ſuch a magnificent example opens to the world. We congratulate the French nation for having laid the axe to the root of tyranny, and for erecting Government on the ſacred HEREDITARY Rights of MAN.—Rights which appertain to ALL, and not to any one more than to another.—We know of no human authority, ſuperior to that of a whole nation; and we profeſs and proclaim it as our principle, that every nation has at all times, an inherent, indefeaſible right to conſtitute and eſtabliſh ſuch Government for itſelf as beſt accords with its diſpoſition, intereſt and happineſs.

As Engliſhmen, we alſo rejoice, becauſe we are immediately intereſted in the French Revolution.

Without enquiring into the juſtice, on either ſide of the reproachful charges of intrigue and ambition, [99]which the Engliſh and French courts have conſtantly made on each other, we confine ourſelves to this obſervation;—That if the Court of France only was in fault, and the numerous wars which have diſtreſſed both countries are chargeable to her alone, that Court now exiſts no longer; and the cauſe and the conſequence muſt now ceaſe together. The French therefore, by the Revolution they have made, have conquered for us as well as for themſelves; if it be true, that their Court only was in fault and ours never.

On this ſtate of the caſe, the French Revolution concerns us immediately. We are oppreſſed with a heavy National debt, a burthen of taxes, and an expenſive adminiſtration of Government; beyond thoſe of any people in the world. We have alſo a very numerous poor; and we hold, that the moral obligation of providing for old age, helpleſs infancy and poverty, is far ſuperior to that of ſupplying the invented wants of courtly extravagance, ambition and intrigue.

We believe there is no inſtance to be produced, but in England, of ſeven millions of inhabitants, which make but little more than one million of families, paying yearly SEVENTEEN MILLIONS of taxes.

As it has always been held out by all adminiſtrations, that the reſtleſs ambition of the Court of France rendered this expence neceſſary to us for our own defence; we conſequently rejoice as men deeply intereſted in the French Revolution; for that Court as we have already ſaid exiſts no longer and conſequently the ſame enormous expences need not continue to us.

Thus rejoicing, as we ſincerely do, both as men and Engliſhmen, as lovers of univerſal peace and freedom, and as friends to our national proſperity and a reduction of our public expences; we cannot but expreſs our aſtoniſhment, that any part, or [100]any members of our own government, ſhould reprobate the extinction of that very power in France or wiſh to ſee it reſtored, to whoſe influence they formerly attributed (whilſt they appeared to lament) the enormous increaſe of our own burthens and taxes. What then, Are they ſorry that the pretence for new oppreſſive taxes, and the occaſion for continuing many old taxes, will be at an end? —If ſo, and if it is the policy of Courts and Court Government to prefer enemies to friends, and a ſyſtem of war to that of peace, as affording more pretences for Places, Offices, Penſions, Revenue and Taxation, it is high time for the people of every nation to look with circumſpection to their own intereſt.

Thoſe who pay the expence, and, not thoſe who participate in the emoluments ariſing from it, are the perſons immediately intereſted in enquiries of this kind. We are a part of that National body, on whom this annual expence of ſeventeen millions falls; and we conſider the preſent opportunity of the French Revolution, as a moſt happy one for leſſening the enormous load, under which this nation groans. If this be not done, we ſhall then have reaſon to conclude, that the cry of intrigue and ambition againſt other Courts is no more than the common cant of all Courts.

We think it alſo neceſſary to expreſs our aſtoniſhment, that a Government deſirous of being called FREE, ſhould prefer connections with the moſt deſpotic and arbitrary powers in Europe.— We know of none more deſerving this deſcription than thoſe of Turkey and Pruſſia, and the whole combination of German deſpots.—Separated as we happily are by nature from the tumults of the continent we reprobate all ſyſtems and intrigues which ſacrifice (and that too at a great expence) the bleſſings of our natural ſituation.—Such ſyſtems cannot have a national origin.

[101]If we are aſked, What Government is?—We hold it to be nothing more than a National Aſſociation end we hold that to be the beſt, which ſecures to every man his rights, and promotes the greateſt quantity of happineſs with the leaſt expence.

We live to improve, or we live in vain; and therefore we admit of no maxims of government or policy, on the mere ſcore of antiquity, or other men's authority, the Old Whigs or the New.

We will exerciſe the reaſon with which we are endowed, or we poſſeſs it unworthily. As reaſon is given at all times, it is for the purpoſe of being uſed at all times.

Among the bleſſings which the French Revolution has produced to that nation, we enumerate the abolition of the feudal ſyſtem of injuſtice and tyranny, on the 4th of Auguſt, 1789. Beneath the feudal ſyſtem all Europe has long groaned, and from it England is not yet free. Game laws, borough-tenures and tyrannical monopolies of numerous kinds ſtill remain amongſt us: but rejoicing as we ſincerely do, in the freedom of others, till we ſhall happily accompliſh our own, we intended to commemorate this prelude to the univerſal extirpation of the feudal ſyſtem, by meeting on the anniverſary of that day, (the 4th. of Auguſt) at the Crown and Anchor. From this meeting we were prevented by the interference of certain unnamed and ſculking perſons with the Maſter of the Tavern, who informed us that on their repreſentations he could not receive us.—Let thoſe who live by, or countenance feudal oppreſſions, take the reproach of this ineffectual meanneſs and cowardice to themſelves. They connot ſtifle the public declaration of our honeſt, open, and avowed opinions.

Theſe are our principles, and theſe our ſentiments. They embrace the intereſt and happineſs of the great body of the nation of which we are a [102]part. As to riots and tumults, let thoſe anſwer for them, who by wilful miſrepreſentations endeavour to excite and promote them; or, who feek to ſtun the ſenſe of the nation, and loſe the great cauſe of public good, in the outrages of a miſinformed mob. We take our ground on principles that require no ſuch riotous aid. We have nothing to apprehend from the poor; for we are pleading their cauſe. And we fear not proud oppreſſion; for we have truth on our ſide.

We ſay, and we repeat it; that the French Revolution opens to the world an opportunity, in which all good citizens muſt rejoice: that of promoting the general happineſs of man. And that [...], moreover, offers to this country in particular an opportunity of reducing our enormous taxes.

Theſe are our objects, and we will purſue them.

JOHN HORNE TOOKE, Chairman,

LESSONS FOR STATESMEN.

Leſſon I.—FROM-COMMERCE, IN THE ENCYCLOPADIA BRITANNICA.

THE augmentation of riches, in a country, either not capable of improvement as to the ſoil, or where precautions have not been taken for facilitating a multiplication of inhabitants, by the importation of ſubſiſtence, will be productive of the moſt calamitous circumſtances.

On one ſide, this wealth will effectually diminiſh the maſs of food before produced; and on the other, will encreaſe the number of uſeleſs conſumers. —The firſt of theſe circumſtances will raiſe the demand for food; and the ſecond will diminiſh the number of uſeful free hands, and conſequently raiſe the price of manufactures; here are ſhortly the outlines of this progreſs.

[103]The more rich and luxurious a people are, the more delicate they become in their manner of living, if they fed on bread formerly, they will now feed on meat; if they fed on meat, they will now feed on fowl. The ſame ground which feeds an hundred with bread, and a proportionable quantity of animal food, will not maintain an equal number of delicate livers. Food muſt then become more ſcarce; demand for it riſes: the rich are always the ſtrongeſt in the market; they conſume the food, and the poor are forced to ſtarve. Here the wide door to modern diſtreſs opens; to wit, a hurtful competition for ſubſiſtence. Farther when a people become rich, they think leſs of occonomy; a number of uſeleſs ſervants are hired, to become an additional dead weight on conſumption; and when their ſtarving countrymen cannot ſupply the extravagance of the rich ſo cheaply as other nations, they either import inſtruments of foreign luxury, or ſeek to enjoy them out of their own country.

Leſſon II.—FROM THE SAME.

ASET of induſtrious and frugal people were aſſembled in a country (Holland) by nature ſubject to many inconveniencies, the removing of which neceſſarily employed abundance of hands. Their ſituation upon the continent, the power of their former maſters, and the ambition of their neighbours, obliged them to keep great bodies of troops. Theſe two articles, added to the numbers of the community, without either enriching the ſtate by their labour exported, or producing food for themſelves or countrymen.

The ſcheme of a commonwealth was calculated, to draw together the induſtrious; but it has been ſtill more uſeful in ſubſiſting them; the republican form of government being there greatly ſubdivided, veſts authority ſufficient in every part of [104]it, to make ſuitable proviſion for their own ſubſiſtence; and the tie which unites them, regards only matters of public concern. Had the whole been governed by one ſovereign, or by one council, this important matter never could have been effectuated.

It would be impoſſible for the moſt able miniſter that ever lived, to provide nouriſhment for a country ſo extenſive as France, or even as England, ſuppoſing thoſe as fully peopled as Holland is: even though it ſhould be admitted, that a ſufficient quantity of food might be found in other countries for their ſubſiſtence. The enterprize would be too great, abuſes would multiply; the conſequence would be, that the inhabitants would die for want. But in Holland the caſe is different; every little town takes care of its own inhabitants; and this care being the object of application and profit to ſo many perſons, is accompliſhed with ſucceſs.

Leſſon III.—From Lady Montague's Letters.

IT is impoſſible not to obſerve the difference between the free towns, and thoſe under the government of abſolute princes, as all the little ſovereigns of Germany are. In the firſt there appears an air of commerce and plenty: The ſtreets are well built, and full of people neatly and plainly dreſſed. The ſhops are loaded with merchandize, and the commonality are clean and chearful. In the other you ſee a fort of ſhabby finery, a number of dirty people of quality tawdred out: narrow naſty ſtreets out of repair, wretchedly thin of inhabitants, and above half of the common ſort aſking alms. I cannot help fancying one under the figure of a clean Dutch Citizen's wife; and the other like a poor town lady of pleaſure, painted and ribboned out in her head dreſs, with tarniſhed ſilver-laced ſhoes, a ragged under-petticoat, a miſerable mixture of vice and poverty.

[105]We take care to make ſuch ſhort ſtages every day, that I rather fancy myſelf upon parties of pleaſure, than upon the road; and ſure nothing can be more agreeable than travelling in Holland. The whole country appears a large garden, the roads are all paved ſhaded on each ſide with rows of trees, and bordered with large canals, full of boats paſſing and repaſſing. Every twenty paces gives you the proſpect of ſome villa, and every four hours that of a large town, ſo ſurpriſingly neat, I am ſure you would be charmed with them.

My arrival at Rotterdam preſented me a new ſcene of pleaſure. All the ſtreets are paved with broad ſtones, and before many of the meaneſt artificer's doors, are placed ſeats of various coloured marbles, ſo neatly kept, that I aſſure you, I walked almoſt all over the town yeſterday, incognito, in my ſlippers, without one ſpot of dirt; and you may ſee the Dutch maids waſhing the pavement of the ſtreet with more application than ours do our bed-chambers. The town ſeems ſo full of people, with ſuch buſy faces, and all in motion, that I can hardly fancy it is not ſome celebrated fair; but I ſee it every day the ſame. It is certain no town can be more advantageouſly ſituated for commerce. Here are ſeven large canals, on which the merchants' ſhips come up to the very doors of their houſes. The ſhops and warehouſes are of a very ſurprizing neatneſs and magnificence, filled with an incredible quantity of fine merchandize, and ſo much cheaper than what we ſee in England, that I have much ado to perſuade myſelf I am ſtill ſo near it. Here is neither dirt nor beggary to be ſeen. One is not ſhocked with thoſe loathſome cripples, ſo common in London, nor teazed with the importunity of idle fellows and wenches, that chuſe to be naſty and lazy. The common ſervants and little ſhop-women here, are more nicely clean, than moſt of our ladies; and the great variety of [106]neat dreſſes (every woman dreſſing her head after her own faſhion) is an additional pleaſure in ſeeing the towns.

The ſpeech of Charles Turner, Eſq. Member of Parliament for the City of York, to the Electors of Weſtminſter, from the Huſtings in Westminster Hall, on Thurſday the 6th of April, 1780,

I FEEL a ſatisfaction in addreſſing ſo numerous and reſpectable a body of my countrymen, that [109]cannot be animated by a ſlaviſh mind. I have ever oppoſed the torrent of corruption, and the inroads of arbitrary power; and though I have been unſucceſsful, yet with your aſſiſtance, I will fight and conquer. Corruption and tyranny can never ſtand againſt the virtuous efforts of a free people: be firm, be reſolute and unanimous; aſſert your birth-right. Annual Parliaments, and an equal repreſentation, are privileges inherent in the conſtitution; but if you do not think yourſelves free with obtaining that object, you have a right to infist on what government you pleaſe. Laws were made for the governed, not the governor; and all government originates with the people. If you chuſe to be ſlaves, you may ſubmit to an unlimited monarchy, or an oppreſſive ariſtocracy; if you wiſh to be free, you have a right to inſiſt on a democracy, or you have a right to form a republic. Don't tell me of the power of Parliament, or the power of the Crown; all power originates with yourſelves, and if the Crown or the Parliament abuſe that power you have inveſted them with, you have a right to re-aſſume it; you are the lords of the creation, not the ſlaves of power: you are the maſters, and we are only your ſervants, delegated and employed by you to do your buſineſs; and till you pay your ſervants, as was anciently the cuſtom, they will never act to your advantage; if you do not pay them, the Crown will, and then they become the ſervants of the Crown, and no longer the ſervants of the people. An honeſt man can have no intereſt but that of his country in coming to parliament; and if he ſacrifices his eaſe and retirement to the duty of a ſenator, his expences at leaſt ought to be reimburſed by his country. You now pay your members with a vengeance, for enſlaving you, and picking your pockets: but if you would once pay them yourſelves, you would no longer complain of oppreſſion: Act with ſpirit [110]and reſolution; inſiſt upon your privileges, and I will meet you at Runny Mead. I love the poor, I divide my fortune with them, and I will die with them; the poor man's labour is the rich man's wealth; and without your toil, a kingdom would be worth nothing. While I am free, you never ſhall be ſlaves. God bleſs the People!

Obſervations of Charles Turner, Eſq. Member of Parliament for the City of York, in the Debate in the Houſe of Commons, April 13, 1780. on the Bill for preventing Revenue Officers from voting at Elections.

HE contended, that the Houſe was bound to paſs the Bill; that they muſt do it, the people of England had petitioned for it, and who would gainſay the people of England? They would have their way, they had a right to it, for the conſtitution of this country was a republic. He repeated it, he ſaid, in the face of all the Crown lawyers, and let them make the moſt of it, a republic, and one of the fineſt in the world! He had held this language to the people in Weſtminſter Hall, and he would hold it every where. Where the Monarch was limited by the ſame laws which governed the ſubject, it certainly was a republic, and nothing elſe.

A LESSON FOR VENAL PARLIAMENTS: The Speech that was ſpoken by OLIVER CROMWELL' when he diſſolved the Long Parliament.

IT is high time for me to put an end to your ſitting in this place, which you have diſhonoured by your contempt of all virtue, and defiled by your practice of every vice: Ye are a factious crew, and enemies to all good government: Ye are a pack of mercenary wretches, and would, like Eſau, ſell your country for a meſs of pottage; and, like Judas, betray [111]your GOD for a few pieces of money. Is there a ſingle virtue now remaining amongſt you? Is there one vice you do not poſſeſs? Ye have no more religion than my horſe: Gold is your God. Which of you have not bartered your conſcience for bribes? Is there a man amongſt you that has the leaſt care for the good of the commonwealth? Ye ſordid proſtitutes! have ye not defiled this ſacred place, and turned the Lord's temple into a den of thieves, by your immoral principles and wicked practices? Ye are grown intolerably odious to the whole nation. You were deputed here by the people to get grievances redreſſed, are not yourſelves become the greateſt grievance? Your country therefore calls upon me to cleanſe this Augean ſtable, by putting a final period to your iniquitous proceedings in this Houſe, and which, by God's help, and the ſtrength he has given me, I am now come to do. I command ye, therefore, upon the peril of your lives, to depart immediately out of this place. Go, get ye out, make haſte, ye venal ſlaves, be gone! So take away that ſhining bauble there, and lock up the doors.

THE INHABITANTS OF HELL. From a Pamphlet, entitled "The Rights of the Devil."

THESE (that is the prieſts) are the moſt numerous of all Lucifer's ſubjects, except the military, for next to the clergy, the military are the moſt devoted, which may be ſeen by the ardor they diſcover on all occaſions in the ſervice of their grand maſter and monarch, Lucifer. Nothing diminiſhes the zeal of ſoldiers, no hardſhips or calamities can intimidate them from the purſuit of their maſter's intereſt. Captivity, priſons, fetters, chains, ſlavery, or death, give no check to their activity; but havock and devaſtation are the works [112]of their hands. See how theſe heroes leave every thing near and dear behind them. Their trades are nothing in compariſon to the intrinſic acquiſitions of the ſoldier, who ſacrifices every thing to the pleaſure of murdering his fellow-creatures. How many of theſe Engliſh Sans Culottes have left twenty-five, and even thirty ſhillings per week, within theſe ſix months paſt, to gain in return ſixpence a day, to be food for gun-powder, and to diſtinguiſh themſelves as the beſt friends and warmeſt advocates for Satan's kingdom. Mark! what diſintereſtedneſs! Surely Lucifer has ſome right to ſuch property as this! Only examine their fa [...]es and their figures, both will declare to you whom they ſerve, and whoſe they are. Their pole complexions, their tawny countenances, their tanned hides; in ſhort, the whole of their meagre bodies have more the appearance of carcaſes or ſkeletons, than of human figures. Their bodies, I ſay, loaded with wounds, exhauſted by labours which they have undergone, with diſtempers which conſume them, with vermin which gnaw them while alive, with hunger which devours them, with exceſſive heat, and rigorous cold, which they experience and endure with courage and delight, for a poor and wretched ſtipend, plainly ſhew that the moſt powerful and predominant of all their paſſions, is their deſire for the infernal regions. And this is further confirmed by the ardent exclamations with which they conclude every ſentence they pronounce; ſuch as, The Devil take me! The Devil ſeize me! The Devil choak me! The Devil fly away with me! &c. &c. Which ejaculations certainly expreſs their earneſt wiſh to go to Lucifer's kingdom. The Devil will never deny his right to ſuch property as they are.

I had like to have omitted informing you, that the military are accompanied with their officers, even in Hell: and why not? They are fond of [113]leading the dance with them on Earth, and ſurely ought to partake of their pleaſures in Hell. They are led by their officers by thouſands every day, with colours flying, muſic playing, and drums beating, amidſt the acclamations of all who ſee them, on their journey to Pluto's regions. There is no exception of perſons in the military, they go unanimouſly, hand in hand. There you ſee them travelling in ſocial union, with wonderful contraſt, generaliſſimo and private, general and drummer, duke and corporal, prince and ſerjeant, kings and ſerjeant-majors, emperors and adjutants, in moſt parts of Europe, vieing with each other in their various tactical knowledge, to diſcover who has the greateſt ability, in getting tenants in the greateſt numbers, to occupy Beelzebub's kingdom. Witneſs the ſcenes now exhibiting on the other ſide the water, what bravery is diſplayed by the Engliſh, Dutch, Pruſſians, Auſtrians, Heſſians, Hanoverians, &c. of all ranks and degrees, from the prince to the private, in order to tranſport themſelves to the infernal regions; and none can be more deſerving than thoſe who take up the ſword in defence of their common maſter, for the expreſs purpoſe of peopling his kingdom. Go on, then, ye veterans! hide your truſty blades in the bowels of your b [...]ethren! your laurels will cleave to your brows in never fading and glowing colours: and Satan ſhall crown you with everlaſting honours!

Ignorance the Foundation of unequal Governments, and foſtered by them deſignedly.
[From "Barlow's Advice to priviledged Orders."

UNEQUAL Governments are neceſſarily founded on ignorance, and they muſt be ſupported by ignorance; to deviate from their principle, would be voluntary ſuicide. The great object of [114]their policy is to perpetuate that undiſturbed ignorance of the people, which is the companion of poverty, the parent of crimes, and the pillar of the ſtate.

In England, the people at large are as perfectly ignorant of the acts of Parliament, after they are made, as they poſſibly can be before. They are printed by one man only, who is called the king's printer—in the old German character, which few men can read—and ſold at a price that few can afford to pay. But, leſt ſome ſcraps or comments upon them ſhould come to the people, through the medium of public news-papers, every ſuch paper is ſtamped with a heavy duty: and an act of parliament is made, to prevent men from lending their papers to each other; ſo that, not one perſon in a hundred ſees a news-paper once in a year. If a man at the bottom of Yorkſhire diſcovers, by inſtinct, that a law is made which is intereſting for him to know, he has only to make a journey to London, find out the king's printer, pay a penny a page for the law, and learn the German alphabet. He is then prepared to ſpell out his duty.

As to the general ſyſtem of the laws of the land, on which all property depends, no man in the kingdom knows them, and no man pretends to know them. They are a fathomleſs abyſs, that exceeds all human faculties to ſound. They are ſtudied, not to be underſtood, but to be diſputed; not to give information, but to breed confuſion. The man whoſe property is depending on a ſuit at law, dares not to look into the gulph that ſeparates him from the wiſhed-for deciſion; he has no confidence in himſelf, nor in reaſon, nor in juſtice; he mounts on the back of a lawyer, like one of Mr. [...]urke's heroes of chivalry, between the wings of a gr [...]ffin, and truſts the pilotage to a man, who is ſuperior to himſelf only in the confidence which reſults from having nothing at ſtake.

On the Injustice of taking Fees from Perſons acquitted in Courts of Justice.
[From "The Candid Philoſopher."]

[115]

A MAN ſuſpected of a felonious action, is taken up, ſent to goal, uſed there in a barbarous manner, yet when brought to his trial is found perfectly innocent. A man of common ſenſe, upractiſed in the wiſdom of our laws, would naturally imagine he would be now diſcharged. But no ſuch thing; he muſt be remanded to priſon to undergo the ſame harſh treatment he received before his trial, unleſs he pays the fees that are demanded of him.— They are the pooreſt people on whom ſuſpicions generally fall, and who, ſo far from being able to pay goaler's fees, could ſcarcely maintain themſelves in priſon before the proof of their innocence appeared. How cruel, therefore, after puniſhing an innocent perſon with impriſonment, making him loſe his buſineſs and his character, to rob him of his property, under the name of paying fees!—O ſhame! ſhame! ſhame!

Whether the Balance of Dominion in Land be the natural Cauſe of Empire?
[From Harrington's Oceana.]

IF a man having one hundred pounds a year may keep one ſervant, or have one man at his command, then having one hundred times ſo much, he may keep one hundred ſervants; and this multiplied by a thouſand, he may have one hundred thouſand men at his command. Now, that the ſingle perſon, or nobility of any country in Europe, that had but half ſo many men at command, would be king or prince, is that which I think no man will doubt. But no money no Switzers, as the French ſpeak: if the money be flown, ſo are the men alſo. Though riches in general have [116]wings, and be apt to bate, yet thoſe in land are the moſt hooded and tied to the perch, whereas thoſe in money have the leaſt hold, and are the ſwifteſt in flight. A bank, where the money takes not wing, but to come home ſeized, or like a coy duck, may well be great; but the treaſure of the Indies going out, and not upon returns, makes no bank. Whence a bank never paid an army; or paying an army ſoon became no bank. But where a prince or nobility has an eſtate in land, the revenue whereof will defray this charge, there their men are planted, have toes that are roots, and arms that bring forth what fruit you pleaſe.

Thus a ſingle perſon is made, or a nobility makes a king, not with difficulty or any great prudence, but with eaſe, the reſt coming home, as the ox that not only knows his master's crib, but muſt ſtarve or repair to it. Nor for the ſame reaſon is government acquired with more eaſe than it is preſerved; that is, if the foundation of property be in land. but if in morey, lightly come, lightly go. The reaſon why a ſingle perſon, or the nobility that has one hundred thouſand men, or half ſo many at command, will have the government, is, that the eſtate in land, whereby they are able to maintain ſo many, in any European territory, muſt overbalance the reſt that remains to the people, at leaſt three parts in four, by which means they are no more able to diſpute the government with him or them, than your ſervant is with you. Now, for the ſame reaſon, if the people hold three parts in four of the territory, it is plain there can neither be any ſingle perſon nor nobility able to diſpute the government with them; in this caſe, therefore, except force be interpoſed, they govern themſelves. So by this computation of the balance of property, or dominion in land, you have according to the threefold foundation of property, the root or generation of the threefold kind of government or empire.

[117]If one man be ſole landlord of a territory, or overbalance the whole people, three parts in four, or thereabouts, he is Grand Seignior; for ſo the Turk, not from his empire, but his property, is called; and the empire in this caſe, is abſolute monarchy.

If the few, or a nobility, or a nobility with a clergy, be landlords to ſuch a proportion as overbalances the people in the like manner, they may make whom they pleaſe king; or, if they be not pleaſed with their king, down with him, and ſet up whom they like better; a HENRY the Fourth, or the Seventh, a GUISE, a MONTFORT, a NEVIL, or a PORTER, ſhould they find that beſt for their own ends and purpoſes: For, as not the balance of the king, but that of the nobility, in this caſe, is the cauſe of the government, ſo not the eſtate or the riches of the prince or captain, but his virtue or ability, or fitneſs for the ends of the nobility, acquires that command or office. This for ariſtocracy or mixed monarchy. But if the whole people be landlords, or hold the land ſo divided among them, that no one man or number of men within the compaſs of the few, or ariſtocracy overbalance them, it is a commonwealth. Such is the branch in the root, or the balance of property naturally producing empire; which not confuted, no man ſhall be able to batter my ſuperſtructures, and which confuted I lay down my arms; till then, if the cauſe neceſſarily precede the effect, property muſt have a being before empire; or, beginning with it, muſt be ſtill firſt in order.

Property comes to have a being before empire or government two ways, either by a natural or violent revolution. Natural revolution happens from within, or by commerce, as when a government erected upon one balance, that for example of a nobility or a clergy, through the decay of their eſtates comes to alter to another balance; which [118]alteration in the root of property leaves all to confuſion, or produces a new branch of government, according to the kind or nature of the root. Violent revolution happens from without, or by arms, as when upon conqueſt there follows confiſcation. Confiſcation again is of three kinds; when the captain taking all to himſelf, plants his army, by way of military colonies, benefices, or timars, which was the policy of MAHOMET; or when the captain has ſome ſharers, or a nobility that divides with him which was the policy introduced by the Goths and Vandals; or when the captain divides the inheritance by lots, or otherwiſe, to the whole people; which policy was inſtituted by GOD or MOSES in the commonwealth of Iſrael. This triple diſtribution, which from natural or violent revolution returns as to the generation of empire to the ſame thing, that is to the nature of the balance already ſtated and demonſtrated.

ABRIDGMENT OF ROMAN HISTORY.

ROMULUS and REMUS being ſent by their grandfather Numetor, from Alba, at the head of a colony, to ſeek a new ſettlement, quarrelled about the choice of a ſpot where they ſhould fix, and build them a city: Romulus chuſing mount Palatine, and Remus mount Aventine. Remus is ſaid to have loſt his life in this diſpute. The city was therefore built on mount Palatine, and, in compliment to its founder, called Rome. As Romulus had not taken upon him the chief command of the colony for any longer time than while the city was building, he, as ſoon as the work was finiſhed, ſubmitted the form of its future government to the choice of the people, and, calling the citizens together, harangued them in words to this effect:

"If all the ſtrength of cities lay in the height of their ramparts, or the depth of their ditches, [119]we ſhould have great reaſon to be in fear for that which we have now built. Are there in reality any walls too high to be ſcaled by a valiant enemy? And of what uſe are ramparts in inteſtine diviſions? They may ſerve for a defence againſt ſudden incurſions from abroad; but it is by courage and prudence chiefly, that the invaſions of foreign enemies are repelled: and by unanimity, ſobriety, and juſtice, that domeſtic ſeditions are prevented. Cities fortified by the ſtrongeſt bulwarks have been ſeen to yield to force from without, or to tumults from within. An exact military diſcipline, and a ſteady obſervance of civil policy, are the ſureſt barriers againſt theſe evils. But there is ſtill another point of great importance to be conſidered: the proſperity of ſome riſing colonies, and the ſpeedy ruin of others, have in a great meaſure been owing to their form of government. Was there but one manner of ruling ſtates and cities that could make them happy, the choice would not be difficult. But I have learnt, that of the various forms of government among the Greeks and Barbarians, there are three which are highly extolled by thoſe who have experienced them; and yet, that no one of theſe is in all reſpects perfect, but each of them has ſome innate and incurable defect. Chuſe ye, then, in what manner this city ſhall be governed. Shall it be by one man? Shall it be by a ſelect number of the wiſeſt among us? or ſhall the legiſlative power be in the people? As for me, I ſhall ſubmit to any form of adminſtration you ſhall pleaſe to eſtabliſh. As I think myſelf not unworthy to command, ſo neither am I unwilling to obey. Your having choſen me to be the leader of this colony, and your calling the city after my name, are honours ſufficient te content me; honours, of which, living or dead, I can never be deprived."

Romulus was choſen king; and Rome was governed by kings for upwards of 240 years, till the [120]expulſion of Tarquin the Second, which was occaſioned by his ſon Sextus raviſhing Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, a noble Roman. Lucretia, upon receiving this injury, ſent for her huſband, who was then in the camp at Ardea with Tarquin, and for ſeveral of his friends, and having informed them of the outrage ſhe had received, and engaged them to revenge it, ſtabbed herſelf to the heart, and died before them. The Romans had long groaned under the tyranny and cruelty of the Tarquins, and were therefore glad to lay hold on ſo flagrant and outrageous an inſult, to ſhake off their yoke. The famous Junius Brutus, who for ſome reaſons had maſked himſelf, and concealed great talents, under the appearance of idiotiſm, ſuddenly threw off his diſguiſe, and, going near to the dying lady, drew the poignard out of her boſom, and ſhewing it all bloody to the aſſembly, to their great aſtoniſhment thus addreſſed them:

"Yes, noble lady, I ſwear by this blood, which was once ſo pure, and which nothing but royal villainy could have polluted, that I will purſue Lucius Tarquinius the Proud, his wicked wife, and their children, with fire and ſword, nor will I ever ſuffer any of that family, or of any other whatever, to be king in Rome: Ye Gods, I call you to witneſs this my oath!—There, Romans, turn your eyes to that ſad ſpectacle—the daughter of Lucretius, Collatinus's wife—ſhe died by her own hand. See there a noble lady, whom the luſt of a Tarquin reduced to the neceſſity of being her own executioner, to atteſt her innocence. Hoſpitably entertained by her as a kinſman of her huſband's, Sextus, the perfidious gueſt, became her brutal raviſher. The chaſte, the generous Lucretia could not ſurvive the inſult. Glorious woman! But once only treated as a ſlave, ſhe thought life no longer to be endured. Lucretia, a woman, diſdained a life that depended upon a tyrant's will; [121]and ſhall we, ſhall men, with ſuch an example before our eyes, and after five-and-twenty years of ignominous ſervitude, ſhall we, through a fear of dying, defer one ſingle inſtant to aſſert our liberty? No, Romans, now is the time; the favourable moment we have ſo long waited for is come. Tarquin is not at Rome. The patricians are at the head of the enterprize. The city is abundantly provided with men, arms, and all things neceſſary. There is nothing wanting to ſecure the ſucceſs, if our own courage does not fail us. And ſhall thoſe warriors, who have ever been ſo brave, when foreign enemies were to be ſubdued, or when conqueſts were to be made to gratify the ambition and avarice of Tarquin, be then only cowards, when they are to deliver themſelves from ſlavery? Some of you, perhaps, are intimidated by the army which Tarquin now commands. The ſoldiers, you imagine will take the part of their general: Baniſh ſo groundleſs a fear. The love of liberty is natural to all men. Your fellow citizens in the camp feel the weight of oppreſſion, with as quick a ſenſe, as you that are in Rome. They will as eagerly ſeize the occaſion of throwing of the yoke. But, let us grant there may be ſome among them who through baſeneſs of ſpirit, or a bad education, will be diſpoſed to favour the tyrant. The number of theſe can be but ſmall, and we have means ſufficient in our hands to reduce them to reaſon. They left us hoſtages more dear to them than life. Their wives, their children, their fathers, their mothers are in the city. Courage, Romans, the gods are for us! thoſe Gods, whoſe temples and altars the impious Tarquin has profaned by ſacrifices and libations made with polluted hands, polluted with blood, and with numberleſs unexpiated crimes committed againſt his ſubjects. Ye Gods, who protected our forefathers! ye Genii, who watch for the preſervation and glory of Rome! do you inſpire us with courage and unanimity [122]in this glorious cauſe, and we will, to our laſt breath, defend your worſhip from all profanation."

[To be continued in following Numbers.]
Eccl. iv. 1, 2, 3.‘So I returned, and conſidered all the Oppreſſions that are done under the Sun: and behold the TEARS of ſuch as were OPPRESSED, and they had NO COMFORTER; and on the ſide of their Oppreſſors there was POWER, but they had no Comforter. Wherefore, I praiſed the dead which are already dead, more than the living which are yet alive. Yea, better is he than both they, which hath not yet been, who hath not ſeen the EVIL WORK that is done under the Sun.’

THE following extract, from a very intereſting work, lately publiſhed, intitled "Travels in the Weſtern Hebrides, by the Rev. John Lane Buchanan," will ſhew ſome few of the hardſhips ſuffered by our brethren in one part of this free and happy nation. It may be proper to premiſe, that the Iſlands here ſpoken of are not thoſe which lie next to the coaſt of Scotland, but the Weſtern Abudae, a long chain of Iſlands, about ſeventy miles farther weſt in the Atlantic Ocean. It may be alſo proper to mention, that altho' the author has adopted the title of Travels, this work is the reſult of obſervation made by him, during his reſidence in theſe Iſlands, in quality of Miſſionary Miniſter from the Church of Scotland. from 1782 to 1790.

There are in theſe Iſlands an unfortunate and numerous claſs of men, known under the name of Scallags.

The Scallag, whether male or female, is a poor being. who, for mere ſubſiſtence, becomes a predial ſlave to another, whether a ſubtenant, a tackſman, [123]or a laird. The Scallag builds his own hut, with ſods and boughs of trees, and if he is ſent from one part of the country to another, he moves off his ſticks; and, by means of theſe, forms a new hut in another place. He is, however, in moſt places, encouraged by the poſſeſſion of the walls of a former but, which he covers in the beſt way be can with his old ſticks, ſtubble, and fern. Five days in the week he works for his maſter; the ſixth is allowed to himſelf, for the cultivation of ſome ſcrap of land, on the edge of ſome moſs or moor; on which he raiſes a little kail or colewort, barley and potatoes. Theſe articles boiled up in one maſh, and often without ſalt, are his only food; except in thoſe ſeaſons and days when he can catch ſome fiſh, which he is alſo obliged not unfrequently to eat without bread or ſalt. The only bread he taſtes is a cake, made of the flower of barley. He is allowed coarſe ſhoes, with tartan hoſe, and a coarſe coat, with a blanket or two for cloathing. It may occur to an Engliſh reader, that, as the Scallag works only five days out of ſeven for his maſter, he has two to provide for himſelf. But it is to be recollected, that throughout the whole of Scotland, and all its appendages, Sunday, or the ſabbath as it is called, is celebrated by a total ceſſation from all labour, and all amuſements, as well as by religious exerciſes.

The tackſmen and ſubtenants, formerly on an equal footing, or nearly ſo, were wont to plead their cauſe on equal terms before a common chief. At preſent they are obliged to be much more ſubmiſſive to their tackſman than ever they were in former times to their lairds or lords. Formerly they were a free, animated, and bold people, commanding reſpect for their undanted courage, and repelling injuries from whatever quarter they came, both by words and actions. But now they muſt approach even the tackſmen, with cringing humility, heartleſs and diſcouraged, with tattered rags, hungry [124]bellies and downcaſt looks, carrying their own implements of huſban try for ten or twelve miles backward and forward, over hills and mountains, to do the work of the tackſmen; and muſt either ſit we [...] in their cloaths all night in a dirty kitchen, or ſleep in dirty cloaths, particularly in Luſkintire in Harris, expoſed to be trampled on by ſwine, where the kitchen is commonly the ſtye. Formerly a Highlander would have drawn his dirk againſt even a laird, if he had ſubjected him to the indignity of a blow; at preſent any tyrannical tackſman may ſtrike a Scallag, or even a ſubtenant, with perfect impunity. What degree of ſpirit and virtue is to be expected, from a people ſo humbled, ſo enſtaved? What degree of courage, or even inclinatition to repel an invading enemy? ‘If we have not money’ (ſome of theſe tackſmen have been known to ſay,) ‘we have men enough: let us wear them well while they are in our power.’ In ſhort they treat them like beaſts of burthen; and in all reſpects like ſlaves attached to the ſoil, as they cannot obtain new habitations, on account of combinations among the tackſmen, and are entirely at the mercy of the laird or tackſman.

The maſter or his overſeer, often on the moſt frivolous pretences, abandons himſelf to burſts of paſſion, and with hands, feet and rods, breaks the bones of men and women too. This is not an exaggerated picture. The broken ribs of one young maid, named Macklellan, from the village of Cluar, atteſt the fact, which was committed by a tackſman, aſſuming the title of DOCTOR. This ſame doctor almoſt took the life of another innocent maid from Shileboſt; though ſhe gave no other offence, than that of tarrying a little longer than he wiſhed, at her miſtreſſes deſire, to finiſh ſomething ſhe had in hand.

Better to truſt a whole People with the power of doing Wrong, than one only.
(From Dodſley's Poems.)

[125]
YET vainly would deſpotic will conclude,
That force may ſway the erring multitude.
Juſtice 'tis own'd, ſhould ever guide the free,
But pow'r of wrong, In all, is liberty;
And for whatever purpoſes reſtrain'd,
A nation is enſlav'd that may be chain'd;
Heaven gives to all a liberty of choice,
A people's good requires a people's voice:
Man's ſureſt guide where different views agree,
From private hate and privaet int'reſt free.
Fatal their change from ſuch who raſhly fly,
To the hard graſp of guiding tyranny!
Soon ſhall they find, when will is arm'd with might,
Injuſtice wield the ſword, though drawn for right.

Lines addreſſed to the Grand Conſpirators AGAINST HUMAN LIBERTY.

DELUDED ravagers! enſlavers of Mankind,
All your ambitious dreams too late (tho' ſoon) you'll find,
Muſt end in freedom's triumph—ſlavery diſmay—
No more ſhall deſpotiſm darken reaſon's day!
Ah! ſon's of regal folly and inflated pride
Lay all your butchering, murdering ſchemes aſide
Let not your hands again in human blood be dy'd!
Kindneſs—not cruelty—implies parental care:
If ye are fathers—let actions ſhew ye are!
Not ſee, inhumanly, your children wounded! ſlain!
Grief and toil their portion, while your's is all the gain.
[126]Sunk in ſenſual pleaſure, you leave them nought but pain.

A GOVERNMENT OF CITIZENS IS INVULNERABLE. FROM HARRINCTON'S OCEANA.

ALL government, as implied by what has been already ſhewn, is of theſe three kinds: A government of ſervants: A government of ſubjects; or A government of citizens. The firſt is abſolute monarchy, as that of Turkey: The ſecond ariſtocratical monarchy, as that of France: The third a commonwealth, as thoſe of Iſrael, of Rome, of Holland. Now to follow MACHIAVEL (in part) of theſe, the government of ſervants is the harder to be conquered, and the eaſier to be held: The government of ſubjects is the eaſter to be conquered and the harder to be held. To which I ſhall preſume to add, that the government of citizens is both the hardeſt to be conquered, and the hardeſt to be held.

My author's reaſons, why a government of ſervants is the hardeſt to be conquered, come to this, that they are under perpetual diſcipline and command, void of ſuch intereſts and factions as have hands or power to hold upon advantages or innovation; whence he that invades the Turk muſt truſt to his own ſtrength, and not rely upon diſorders in the government, or forces which he ſhall be ſure enough to find united.

His reaſons why this government, being once broken, is eaſily held, are, that the armies once paſt hope of rallying, there being no ſuch thing as families hanging together, or nobility to ſtir up their dependants to further reluctancy for the preſent, or to preſerve themſelves by complacence with the conquerors, for future diſcontents or advantages, [127]he that has won the garland has no more to do but to extinguiſh the royal line, and wear it ever after in ſecurity. For the people having been always ſlaves, are ſuch whoſe condition he may better, in which caſe they are gainers by their conqueror, but can never make a worſe, and therefore they loſe nothing by him. Hence ALEXANDER having conquered the Perſian empire, he and his captains after him could hold it without the leaſt diſpute, except it aroſe among themſelves. Hence MAHOMET the ſecond having taken Conſtantinople, and put Palaeologus the Greek emperor (whoſe government was of like nature with the Perſian) together with his whole family, to the ſword, the Turk has held that empire without reluctancy.

On the other ſide, the reaſons why a government of ſubjects is eaſier conquered, are theſe: That it is ſupported by a nobility ſo antient, ſo powerful, and of ſuch hold and influence upon the people, that the king without danger, if not ruin to himſelf or the throne (an example whereof was given in HENRY the ſeventh of England,) can neither invade their privileges, nor level their eſtates; which remaining, they have power upon every diſcontent to call in an enemy, as ROBERT Count of Artois did the Engliſh, and the Duke of Guiſe the Spaniard, into France.

The reaſons why a government of ſubjects being ſo eaſily conquered, is nevertheleſs harder to be held, are theſe: that the nobility being ſoon out of countenance in ſuch a caſe, and repenting themſelves of ſuch a bargain, have the ſame means in their hands, whereby they brought in the enemy, to drive him out, as thoſe of France did both the Engliſh and the Spaniards.

For the government of citizens, as it is of two kinds, an equal or an unequal commonwealth, the reaſon why it is the hardeſt to be conquered, are alſo of two kinds; as firſt, the reaſons why a government [128]of citizens, where the commonwealth is equal, is hardeſt to be conquered, are, that the invader of ſuch a ſociety muſt not only truſt to his own ſtrength, inſomuch as the commonwealth being equal, he muſt needs find them united, but in regard, that ſuch citizens being all ſoldiers or trained up to their arms, which they uſe not for the defence of ſlavery, but of LIBERTY (A CONDITION NOT IN THIS WORLD TO BE BETTERED); they have more eſpecially upon this occaſion, the higheſt ſoul of courage, and (if their territory be of any extent) the vaſteſt body of a well diſciplined militia that is poſſible in nature: wherefore AN EXAMPLE OF SUCH A ONE OVERCOME BY THE ARMS OF A MONARCH, IS NOT TO BE FOUND IN THE WORLD. And if ſome ſmall city of this frame has happened to be vanquiſhed by a potent commonwealth, this is her prerogative, her towers are her funeral pile, and ſhe expires in her own flame, leaving nothing to the conqueror but her aſhes, as Saguntum overwhelmed by Carthage, and Numantia by Rome.

A DESCRIPTION OF PRINCE LUCIFER's SUBJECTS. (From a Pamphlet entitled: The Rights of the Devil.)

ALL thoſe men whatever deſcription or whatever country they may belong to, in whom the Devil [...]as right and property, and over whom he extends his influence, are like wolves, eaſily diſtinguiſhed from the ſheep, to which he lays claim: becauſe there is a particular mark whereby you may know thoſe ravenous beaſts. Moreover, you will always ſee them exceedingly active in their monarch Lucifer's ſervice; they are inveſted with full power to oppreſs and torture human nature, for the ſake of plundering them. Their iron hearts [129]are dead to the feelings of humanity; they regard not the cries of the fatherleſs, neither does the cauſe of the widow come near them. Caſt an eye to the cruelties daily committed in the ſl [...]ve trade; reflect for a moment on the many thouſands of wretched Africans, who are tortared out of exiſtence yearly, in order to exact from their labour, to which in juſtice they have not the leaſt claim. Some in the various modes of obtaining them; others ſuffocated in the floating baſtiles, by the ſtench and corrupted air, which they breathe in the hold, while being conveyed to the land of ſlavery and death, in the Weſt Indies; and thoſe who ſurvive the ſhocking treatment they experience while on board, or are not ſwept away by diſeaſe, have only a worſe fate awaiting them; worked without intermiſſion, and flogged without commiſeration, they are hurried to their eternal home, by thoſe ſavage monſters who have the charge of them. Thus are theſe innocent beings murdered by the agents and ſervants of the devil, whom they adore and ſerve, and whoſe right and property they are.

Is not the influence of Satan very viſible in ſome other illuſtrious characters, the avowed enemies of the human race, who claim and lay hold upon the tenth of the product of the earth, which have been increaſed by improvement, and produced by the ſweating brows of other men? Can there be any juſtice in ſuch plundering as this? or rather, is not that man a better character who only ſtops you in the highway once in your life, and exacts from you your purſe? You will certainly anſwer theſe queſtions in the affirmitive, and declare that we are completely humbugged by the prieſthood. Hence ariſes the neceſſity of prieſtcraft to blind the eyes of the people, and render them totally ignorant and unaquainted in this important fact, that a prieſthood is, and always has been a curſe [130]to all nations of the earth. Ignorance in the multitude is the chief ſupport and only nutriment by which the v [...]mity and pride of the clergy is fed. As tythe pigs fill their filthy ſties and black waiſt-coaſts of corruption. Ah! deluded ſwiniſh multitude, typified by the tythe pig; highly emblematical of your wallowing in the mire of church and ſtate, while the idle and diſſipated beings who oppreſs you, are rolling in luxury and debauchery, at the expence of your deluſion. How long you will you not call to Belzebub to remove from you your tormentors, and take them, as his right, to his eternal kingdom?

There is another claſs of men, in whom Lucifer has great right, and are thus deſcribed by Lord Chatham: "There is," ſays he, ‘a ſet of men in London, who are known to live in riot and luxury, upon the plunder of the ignorant, the innocent and the helpleſs; upon that part of the community which ſtands in moſt need of, and beſt deſerves the care and protection of the legiſlature. To me, my lords, whether they be miſerable jobbers of Change-alley, or the lofty Aſiatic plunderers of Leadenhall ſtreet, they are all equally deteſtable. I care but little whether a man walks on foot, or is drawn by ſix or eight horſes; if his luxury be ſupported by the plunder of his country, I deſpiſe and abhor him. My lords, while I had the honour of ſerving his majeſty, I never ventured to look at the Treaſury, but from a diſtance, it is a buſineſs I am unfit for, and to which I never could have ſubmitted. The little I know of it, has not ſerved to raiſe my opinion of what is vulgarly called the monied intereſt, I mean that blood-ſucker that muckworm, which calls itſelf the friend of government, which pretends to ſerve this or that adminiſtration, and may be purchaſed on the ſame terms by any adminiſtration. Under this deſcription [131]I include the whole race of commiſſioners, jobbers, contractors, clothiers, and remitters.’ To theſe may be added, all placemen (in general) penſioners, gapers, and expectants, collectors of exciſe and cuſtoms, proprietors of miniſterial newſpapers, humane preſs-gangs, &c. &c. all come under one claſs or domination of Lucifer's loyal, and loving ſubjects, who devote their whole lives to the ſervice of their maſter.

To enumerate all the various characters in the different parts of the world, over whom the devil exerciſes a ſpecial right and influence, would require an age. Yet you may obſerve. that I have pointed out to you, ſome of the moſt conſpicuous perſons who are the deſtined inhabitants of Lucifer's kingdom, from the regal oppreſſor to the meaneſt peaſant. What mean ye, that ye beat my people to pieces, and GRIND the faces of the poor? ſaith the Lord God of Hoſts. Iſaiah iii. 15—Therefore my people are gone into captivity, BECAUSE THEY HAVE NO KNOWLEDGE; and their honourable men are famiſhed, and their multitude (i. e. ſwiniſh multitude) dried up with thirſt. Therefore HELL hath enlarged herſelf, and opened her mouth without meaſure, and their glory, and their multitude, and their pomp, and he that rejoiceth, ſhall deſcend into it. Iſaith v. 13. For the leaders of this people CAUSE them to err: and THEY that are led of them ARE deſtroyed, Iſaiah ix. 16. Thus you ſee the people are deſtroyed, becauſe they rid not the earth of ſuch hypocritical leaders, or governors, tyrants, or falſe teachers, and chuſe from among themſelves men to rule over them. Wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievouſneſs which they have preſcribed: To turn aſide the needy from judgment, and to take away the RIGHT from the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and that they may ro [...] the fatherleſs! Iſaiah, x. 1. 2. Hence, it appears, that to take away the rights of the people is a ſin, but to refuſe [132]to reſtore them when demanded is ſtill worſe; therefore HELL hath enlarged herſelf to receive them.

WHO WOULD NOT BE A SOLDIER?!!!

—YOU muſt drink the King of BULGARIA'S health, ſaid the ſoldiers; he is the beſt of kings. Moſt willingly, replied Candide, and drank. Now you are a brave fellow, ſaid they, you are become his ſupport, his defender, one of the heroes of Bulgaria; your fortune is made, your fameeternal. They then put handcuffs on his wriſts, conducted him to the regiment. There they made him turn to the right, wheel to the left, ſhoulder his muſket, reſt upon his arms, preſent, fire, march and counter-march; in return for which the drill ſerjeant gave him ſome thirty ſtrokes with the cane, The next day he performed his exerciſe better, and received only twenty. On the morrow they gave him but ten, and all his comrades regarded him as a prodigy of genius.

The aſtoniſhed Candide could not conceive by what enchantment he had become a hero. One pleaſant morning in ſpring, when the birds were ſinging, and the trees beginning to bloom, he thought proper to take a walk. Proceeding in a right line, and ſuppoſing it was the privilege of the human ſpecies, like other animals, to make uſe of their legs, he had not gone above two leagues, before ſix other heroes, each of ſix feet high, overtook him, bound him, and threw him into a dungeon. He was juridically aſked, whether he preferred being thirty-ſix times flogged through the regiment, or to ſuffer twelve balls to paſs through his brains? In vain did he aſſert the freedom of the will, and affirm, that he preferred neither the one nor the other: chuſe he [133]muſt, and, in virtue of that gift of God, which is called Liberty, he concluded in favour of flogging. He was twice brought to the halbards, where he each time received five hundred laſhes, which ſlayed him from the hips to the nape of the neck, and laid the muſcles and nerves all bare. As they were proceeding to the third courſe, CANDIDE, unable to endure more, requeſted for God's ſake, they would have the goodneſs to blow out his brains. His petition was favourably received; but, as he was kneeling blindfold, the King of the Bulgarians happened to come to the parade, and enquired concerning his crime. As this king was a man of great genius, he comprehended from the ſtory they told him, that CANDIDE was a young metaphyſician, ignorant of the world, and he granted his pardon; which clemency has been and will be recorded in every newspaper, every hiſtory, and every age. A ſkilful ſurgeon iu three weeks cured CANDIDE by uſe of the emollients which DIOSCO [...]IDES preſcribes. The ſkin again began to cover his back, and he was able to march, when the King of the Bulgarians gave battle to the King of the Abarians.

Nothing could be ſo charming, ſo dazzling, ſo well diſciplined, ſo well appointed as the two armies. The trumpets, drums, hautboys, fifes, and cannon formed a concert of ſuch harmony as Hell itſelf never equalled. To begin, the artillery laid low about ſix thouſand men on each ſide. The muſquetry next diſpatched between nine and ten thouſand knaves, who infeſted the ſurface of this beſt of poſſible worlds; and the bavonet in its turn, was the adequate cauſe of the death of as many more. The whole amount was at leaſt thirty thouſand ſouls. CANDIDE, who trembled like a philoſopher, hid himſelf as well as he could during this heroic butchery. At length, while the two kings ordered Te deum to be ſung in their two camps, he [134]thought proper to depart and reaſon elſewhere on cauſes and effects. He paſſed over mountains of the dying and the dead. The firſt village he came to belonged to the Aba [...]ians; it was reeking with ſmoke, having been burnt by the Bulgarians, according to the laws of nations. Here ſtood old men maimed by the enemy. gazing on their murdered [...]ives with their dead children extended on their bleeding boſoms. There lay virgins with their wombs ripped open, after having appeaſed the natural appetites of certain heroes, giving up the ghoſt. Others half ro [...]ed, called aloud for one to come and diſpatch them entirely. Here the brains of men were ſcattered, here their arms, here their legs and here their mangled trunks. CANDIDE fled with all his might to another village, that belo [...]ed to the Bulgarians, which the heroes of Abaria had treated in much the ſame manner. At length. marching over limbs ſtill trembling, hearts ſtill p [...]lpitating, and fires yet unextinguiſhed, he luckily eſcaped from the theatre of war and glory.

From the Candid Philoſopher, printed in the year 1778. ON THE PROCRESS OF LIBETRY IN FRANCE.

HOWEVER the preſent age may have receded from genuine piety, it has certainly m [...]de the moſt rapid advances in a freedom and liberality of ſentiment, which do honour to human nature. The French nation has particularly diſtinguiſhed itſelf in this reſpect. Its writers diſplay a vigour of thought they have till now been almoſt ſtrangers to. They plead the cauſe of human nature, and aſſert man's natural [...]ights, with an energy and warmth that ſeem to indicate the ſpeedy downfal of that vaſt fabric of ſuperſtition and error, that has hitherto ſo greatly obſtructed the progreſs of free [135]enquiry, and chilled even the emotions of humanity. What writer of any nation can expreſs himſelf with greater zeal for the ſovereignty of the laws, againſt the blind will of the monarch, the tyranny of miniſters, or the clamour of a mob, than to lay this down as a juſt maxim? "Le glaire redoubtable de la juſtice n'a point ete depoſed [...]ns les mains des magiſtrats, pour venger des haines parti [...]ul [...]eres, ni meme pour ſuivre les monvemens de I indignation publique. [...]e [...]t a LA LOI SEULE appartient de marquer les victimes; et ſi les clameurs d'une multitude aveugle et paſſionn [...]e pouvoint decider les juges a prononcer one Peine capitale, I innocence pren [...]oit la place du crime. et il n'y auroit plus de ſurete pour le citoyen." Theſe are juſt and excellent ſentiments; but they are not peculiar to this writer. The greater part of his countrymen now think with the ſame freedom, and ſpeak with the ſame force. This liberal ſpirit has a greater tendency to exalt the French nation than all the military operations of their much boaſted Lewis XIV. whoſe glories ſunk, and whoſe victories impoveriſhed, the kingdom he ſought to ſtrengthen and enrich. However, as Engliſhmen, we may lament the dawing ſplendor of the French monarchy, enlighte'ed by the Sun of ſcience; yet, as citizens of the univerſe, we muſt rejoice at the great and glorious effects produced by the genius of liberty, that can turn Siberia's deſerts into Albion's fertile plains; unlock the ſources of plenty and bliſs, and change brutes and ſlaves into men and heroes!

ON A LIFE OF LABOUR.
FROM THE SAME.

WE read in many authors great encomiums on a life of labour, and of the ſuperior bleſſings of peaſants and hard working men, whoſe temperate [136]and abſtemious lives not only make them enjoy an uninterrupted ſtate of health, but throw a crimſon on their cheeks, and give a vigour to their bodies, the ſons of wealth and affluence, they tell us, may in vain ſigh for. This ſounds well; but I own I am doubtful of the fact.

If I compare the working part of mankind, who [...]e hard and work hard. with thoſe who eat and drink of the good "things of the earth," I think I can diſcern better complexions. choicer animal ſp [...]ri [...]s, and ſtronger bodies in the latter than in the former. Inceſſant labour, and coarſe and ſcanty food, have certainly a tendency to weaken the bodies of mankind, and wear them out before their time [...] And this we [...] is the eaſe, What becomes t [...]n of the fine ſpun theories of viſionary authors. who ſo greatly extol a laborious life?—Why, they are deſtroyed, like other cobweb ſyſtems, that will not bear handling.

The perſonal Virtues of a Monarch are unable to ſecure him from contempt, if he will be led blindfold by wicked Miniſters.
FROM THE SAME.

A MONARCH who will ſuffer himſelf to be directed by vicious favourites and miniſters, though virtuous in himſelf, is, in fact, the author of their vices, and all the unhappy conſequences that reſult from them. A monarch who is the father of his people, ſhould not be the dupe of a favourite. A monarch who ſhould ſee and judge for himſelf, ſhould not take things upon truſt. If a nation, from the height of ſplendour and glory, ſhould be brought by the ignorance or treachery of incapable or wicked miniſters, to a ſtate of miſery and contempt, deſpiſed abroad, and at home unhappy—it is but poor conſolation to reflect, that the [137]king has many perſonal virtues. Was this imaginary deſcription to become a real picture of a nation, and its virtuous monarch, I would cry out wiih Marcus, in the Tragedy of Cato,

"Curſe on his virtues—they've undone his country."

MODERN MOTIVES FOR WAR.
(From Barlow's advice to the Privileged Orders.)

ONE general character will apply to much the greater part of the wars of modern times,— they are political, and not vindictive. This alone is ſufficient to account for their real origin. They are wars of agreement, rather than of diſſention; and the conqueſt is taxes. and not territory. To carry on this buſineſs. it is neceſſary not only to keep up the military ſpirit of the nobleſſe by titles and penſions, and to keep in pay a vaſt number of troops, who know no other God but their king, who loſe all ideas of themſelves, in contemplating their officers, and who forget the duties of a m [...]n, to practiſe thoſe of a ſoldier.—this is but half the operation; an eſſential part of the military ſyſtem is to diſarm the people, to hold all the functions of war, as well the arm that executes, as the will that declares it, equally above their reach. This part of the ſyſtem has a douhle effect, it palſies the hand and brutalizes the mind; an habitual diſuſe of phyſical forces totally deſtroys the moral; and men loſe at once the power of protecting themſelves, and of diſcerning the cauſe of their oppreſſion,

ON THE GOVERNMENT OF HELL.
(From a Pamphlet entitled: The Rights of the Devil.)

[138]

WE have a long time diſputed, and are not yet agreed in this point, what is the beſt and moſt advantageous form of government for any nation, and for the people whereof it conſiſts. Some are for a democracy, others for ariſtocracy, and others for monarchy. Although each of theſe opinions has its favourites, and is ſupported by very ſolid reaſons; it nevertheleſs appears certain, that monarchy prevails over the other two, becauſe the four great empires which ſucceeded one another in the world, and exiſted near two thouſand years, all adopted and followed a monarchial form of government. And it appears to be an indiſputable fact, that this is the government of the infernal empire (viz) an abſolute monarchy. It is undoubtedly the beſt form of government for the monarch, whatever it may be for the ſubjects, becauſe the Devil aſſumes the power of the whole maſs of beings collectively, and conſequently can make what aggrandizement he pleaſes at the expence of his vaſſals, and they dare not grunt their diſapprobation. Thus, you ſee the Devil has a right and property in his ſubjects, as he, like earthly monarchs, can rob and plunder them at his pleaſure, and is accountable to no one for his deeds; for it is an eſtabliſhed maxim, "That kings can do no wrong." Therefore, Lucifer, as King of Hell, cannot act amiſs. But you are ready to aſk, from whence did the Devil derive theſe ineſtimable rights and privileges? Did the people, his ſubjects, give up their rights? No: he acquired them by aſſumption; and by God's permiſſion, he has poſſeſſed thoſe valuable rights through a ſeries of ages, and will continue to enjoy them for ages to come, as their is no heir apparent to lucceed him. Is not thoſe Rights of the Devil with reſpect to the length of time he enjoys them [631]far ſuperior to the Rights of earthly Kings? certainly they are, as hiſtory furniſhes us with documents to prove that he has exerciſed thoſe rights through a ſucceſſion of ages, already near ſix thouſand years; and will undoubtedly enjoy them as many more. The infernal monarchy, according to hiſtory, appears to have been original; for I do not recollect reading of any other previous to the eſtabliſhment of a monarchical government in Hell by the puiſſant Lucifer. Why, thou fool, ſay ſome of you, how ſhouldſt thou hear of its having a precedent, ſince its originality is unqueſtionable, and all other abſolute monarchies are but eminations from that primary authority, having their exiſtence from that very ſource. Hell is the fountain head, and all terreſtrial monarchies, I ſay, are but corrupted waters in compariſon with the fountain which ſupplies them, notwithſtanding no labour has been loſt on the part of the monarchs in all ages and kingdoms, to render their governments pure like their original. Yet Hell is the moſt peaceable, and juſtice therein the beſt adminiſtered of any other kingdom I have ever heard of. No wars! no riots! no tumults or inſurrections! no traiterous correſpondence! no ſediton or attempt to alienate the affections of Lucifer's ſubjects from his perſon! no attempt to vilify and bring into contempt the conſtitution of the empire! But, on the contrary, the virtues moſt prevalent are, unity, peace and concord, throughout the whole of Lucifer's dominions. In Hell, the public tranquility is never diſturbed in any ſtate or apartment. There you will hear of no ſuch odious names, as Paine, or Prieſtley, to alarm or terrify you, by their endeavours to ſubvert the government or the country. There will be no Birmingham Roberſpieres to affright, or diſturb "the loyal Job Not," when he lays down his head on the lap of his mother, of whom poor Job has ſuch dreadful apprehenſions.

[140]Go on, thou loyal true blue, and purſue thy journey, and fear not for thou mayeſt aſſuredly depend upon a welcome reception by King Lucifer, but more eſpecially if thou art accompanied by thy confort Betty Martin, no queſtions will then be aſked, the mark in your foreheads will teſtify whoſe ſubjects you are. Hail! happy Job and Betty! Two faithful pot companions; greet the brethren of the houſehold with an unholy kiſs, when you enter thoſe happy realms, where loyalty and unanimity ever dwells. Who can avoid contemplating the happineſs of Job, when undiſturbed by his enemies? There is no ſuch thing as a Jacobin in Hell; and the names of Paine, Prieſtley, and in ſhort all the names of modern reformers, are deteſtable there as well as here: no projects of reform are recognized there; in fact, thereis no neceſſity, the conſtitution being in its primitive purity, which is rendered manifeſt by the deſire of anti-republicans and others ſhew in their emigration thither. What has been left undone by the celebrated Job Nott, the more effectually to ſecure to himſelf a place at the helm of affairs in Satan's kingdom? Has not every thing in his power been done, to obtain the favour of his maſter Lucifer? Certainly Job has been a very zealous friend in his maſter's ſervice, which was very conſpicuous in his conduct in the Birmingham riots; and he is entitled to patronage and promotion in the court of Lucifer, in whom the ſole right of conferring places, honours, penſions, and emoluments is inveſted, Job's literary productions have alſo contributed very much to the population of the infernal regions; which will undoubtedly prejudice the inhabitants greatly in his favour. Methinks, I hear ſome of you ſay that I am jealous of the honour about to be done to Job: no, no; far be it from me to envy any man; for I declare to Job and all the world, that neither envy, hatred, malice or uncharitableneſs ſhall ever find place within me.

The Impoſſibility of commencing Tyrant over an armed Nation convinced of the univerſal Equality of Mankind.
(From Barlow's Advice to the Privileged Orders)

[141]

ONLY admit this original, un [...]lt [...]rable truth, that all men are qual in their rights, and the foundation of every thing is laid: to build the ſuperſtructures requires no effort but that of natural deduction. The firſt neceſſary deduction will be, that the people will form an equal repreſentative government; in which it will be impoſſible for orders or privileges to exiſt for a moment; and conſequently the firſt materials for ſtanding armies will be converted into peaceable members of the ſtate. Another deduction follows, that the people will be univerſally armed: they will aſſume thoſe weapons for ſecurity, which the art of war has invented for deſtruction. You will then have removed the neceſſity of a ſtanding army, by the organization of the legiſlature, and the poſſibility of it, by the ararangement of the militia; for it is saimpoſſible for an armed ſoldiery to exiſt in an armed nation, as for a nobility to exiſt under as equal government.

It is curious to remark how ill we reaſon on human nature, from being accuſtomed to view it under the diſguiſe which the unequal governments of the world have always impoſed upon it, During the American was, and eſpecially towards its cloſe, General Waſhington might be ſaid to poſſeſs the hearts of all the Americans. His recommendation was law, and he was able to command the whole power of that people for any purpoſe of defence. The philoſophers of Europe conſidered this as a dangerous criſis to the cauſe of freedom. They knew, from the example of Caeſar, and Silla, and Marius, and Alcibiades, and Pericles, and Cromwell, that Waſhington would never lay down his arms, till he had given his country a maſter. But [142]after he did lay them down, then came the miracle —his virtue was more than human; and it is by this miracle of virtue in him, that the Americans are ſuppoſed to enjoy their liberty at this day.

I believe the virtue of that great man to be equal to the higheſt human virtue that has ever yet been known; but to an American eye no extraordinary portion of it could appear in that tranſaction. It would have been impoſſible for the General or the anny, to have continued in the field after the enemy left it; for the ſoldiers were all citizens! and if it had been otherwiſe. their numbers were not the hundreth part of the citizens at large, who were all ſoldiers. To ſay that he was wiſe in diſcerning the impoſſibility of ſucceſs, in an attempt to imitate the great heroes abovementioned, is to give him only the ſame merit for ſagacity which is common to every other perſon who knows the country, or has well conſidered the effects of equal liberty.

ON THE POMPOUS TITLES GIVEN TO THE DIGNIFIED CLERGY.
(From the Candid Philoſopher)

THE pompous titles given to the haughty ſucceſſors of humble fiſhermen, have often amazed me. Some of them appear to me either to border on the very confines of blaſphemy, or to have no meaning in them. I would fain know how any man alive can, with propriety, be called a RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD? What is the meaning of this great title? How can any man. formed of duſt and aſhes, full of frailty, and full of ſin, be ſaid to be RIGHT REVEREND? And how is he a Father in GOD? Equivocation may explain away theſe words, but common ſenſe muſt determine they are impious and abſurd.—As to the terms, your [143] Grace, your Lordſhip, your Reverence, &c. &c. they favour too much of vanity and laical pride, to become the humility of the diſciples of CHRIST, and teachers of his goſpel. I cannot find any ſuch titles were ever given to our SAVIOUR or his apoſtles; yet, without intending any affront to the pious Paſtors of the eſtabliſhed Church, I really think the apoſtles were as holy, wiſe and virtuous, as any of the Primates, Archbiſhops, Prebendaties, Rectors, Vicars, &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. of the preſent age.

ON THE VENALITY OF VOTERS, BOTH IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT.
(From the Adventures of Gabriel Outcaſt.)

THOUGH our prudent anceſtors found it neceſſary to curb the influence of the crown, by enacting a law, that none of its officers ſhould interfere in elections, yet matters are come to ſuch a paſs. that adminiſtration found it neceſſary to have as many voices in the houſe, as they could acquire; for this purpoſe no money was ſpared, and every meaſure purſued that would defe [...]t and evade the ſtanding laws againſt bribery and corruption. The misfortune ſeemed to be this: in the reign of King William, venality in parliament was unknown, every man voted as his judgment and conſcience directed him, and the miniſter could carry no meaſures of his own, unleſs they tended to the general good.

This did not agree with King William, who was an arbitrary prince, and of courſe, found his ſituation ſo uneaſy. that he was once on the eve of returning to Holland in diſguſt, and would undoubtedly have done it, had not his miniſters contrived to carry his favourite points, by bribing the Parliament of thoſe times. Thus did that venality, to [144]which the enormous debt of this nation is in a great meaſure owing, deſcend from the crown to the people; for in thoſe days it was found difficult to find repreſentatives; and the electors were obliged to court gentlemen to ſerve them. But when the members found they were to be rewarded for their votes. men were ſo eager to get into parliament, that they courted the electors, who, in their turn, expected o [...] be paid for their ſuffrages, of courſe, the members of the lower houſe, in a few years, could not obtain a ſear but at a great expence, and to reimburſe themſelves, made termſ with the miniſter; and ſuch was the degeneracy of the times, that men would not vete, even according to their conſciences, without a bribe. This corruption ſpreading from the lower houſe to the upper, has occaſioned all the cala [...]ties under which this country labours; and whereas venality near a century ago deſcended, as I obſerved, from the crown to the people, it now riſes from the people to the crowm.8 *⁎*

END OF THE FIRST PART.

PART SECOND, OF PIGS' MEAT; OR, Leſſons for the Swiniſh Multitude. PUBLISHED IN WEEKLY PENNY NUMBERS.

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Defects in the Engliſh Conſtitution, as to Repreſentation. From the Complaints of the Poor People of England.

IN England few poor men have any ſhare in making the laws. Some may probably think, and certain politicians aſſert, that poor men have neither the power, nor the right, to make laws. What is this, but to aſſert, that the poor man's portion in England is ſ [...]wery. I do not ſay, that the poor people of England are ſlaves. But this I ſay, that all freemen make their own laws; and I do but ſpeak after our beſt political writers. Will gentlemen tell me, why poor men are to be ſlaves? However, while I conſider every man's right to make laws, as his moſt ſacred property, and the exerciſe of that right as eſſential to liberty, whoever cannot exerciſe that right, be he ever ſo rich, I muſt at leaſt conſider as poor; in the worſt ſenſe poor. My complaints, therefore, do not confine themſelves [146]to paupers, commonly ſo called. Many poor men live in England, who are poſſeſſed of thouſands!

There are two ways of making laws, viz. in our own perſons, or by repreſentatives. If a country be large and populous, all the people cannot aſſemble and conſult together for the purpoſe of making laws: but if they authorize perſons, acquainted with their wants, and intereſted in their happineſs, to repreſent them, every good end may be anſwered. The only danger is, leſt theſe perſons ſhould not expreſs the public mind. Never will they expreſs it, unleſs they repreſent the public.—This is the caſe in England: the government of which it is uſual to call a limited monarchy, in reference to the perſon of the prince. But in reference to the people, ſo great a part of whom have no ſhare in repreſentation, it might be called, notwithſtanding what we ſay of the houſe of commons, a mixt ariſtocracy, as Poland has been called.

The king, the houſe of peers, and the houſe of commons, compoſe what are called the three branches of the conſtitution—the king in his own perſon, the nobles in their own perſons. What is a houſe of commons? It is ſuppoſed to repreſent the people: but ſome ſay, it is a fiction; that is, that it does not exiſt, but that it is only ſuppoſed to exiſt. When men inquire into facts, what are called theories frequently vaniſh. We talk of a houſe of commons, of a houſe of repreſentatives; it is the glory of Britons! and foreigners laugh at us. They aſk us, Where is this houſe? I leave others to anſwer this queſtion.

If this houſe of commons were indeed ſomething more than a fiction, I ſhould myſelf retract a little of my wonted admiration. A houſe of commons, fairly and equally repreſenting all the people of England, never did exiſt. But if it were not a mere fiction, if it were a reality, I ſhould ſtill be obliged to yield ſomething to the following remark, viz. that a houſe of commons ſuppoſes ſome ſuperior houſe, of nobles, [147]or ſome ſuch name. But where any order of men exiſts, of ſeparate claims and of ſeparate intereſts from the people, and whoſe ſeparate characters give them a kind of ſacred ſuperiority over the people, liberty may perhaps be endangered. It has been aſſerted, whether juſtly I do not determine, that ſuch a houſe as that of a houſe of commons exiſts in no free ſtate.

I ſhall here make a ſew remarks on nobility. I will repeat what an ancient writer ſays: "In no ſtate," ſays he, "are the nobles favourable to the people: equals are favourable to equals." And elſewhere he obſerves, in every part of the earth, the government of the nobles is inconſiſtent with that of the people: and he gives his reaſons for the oppſition of the two orders. A French writer, perhaps, had his eye on theſe paſſages, when he ſaid, the Engliſh nobility baried themſelves with Charles I. under the ruins of the throne. He adds, "they think it an honour to obey a king, but conſider it as the loweſt infamy to ſnare the power with the people.

It might be eaſily ſhewn, that a patent nobility made no part of the old Engliſh government, or of the other governments of Europe. Xenophon and Monteſquieu were friends, the one to ariſtocracy, the other to monarchy, yet nobody ever more expoſed them. It is of a government, where an hereditary patent nobility is ſaid to balance the two extremes of monarchy and democracy, that Blackſtone obſerves, "It creates and preſerves that gradual ſcale of dignity, which proceeds from the beggar to the prince, riſing like a pyramid from a broad foundation, and diminiſhing to a point as it riſes. It is this aſcending and contracting proportion, that adds ſtability to any government; for when the departure is ſudden from one extreme to another, we may pronounce that ſtate to be precarious." This is beautiful, flattering alſo to national vanity, but it is theoretical. The aſcending and contracting proportion is ſeen among moſt of the American ſtates, in a houſe of repreſentatives [148]choſen by the people, in a ſenate appointed by the repreſentatives, and in a preſident, or governor, appointed mediately or immediately by the people: yet the Americans have no nobles. The ſyſtem of ariſtocracy, they think, tends to weakneſs. It diſſolves, they ſay, the ties of families by the law of primogeniture; exhauſts the public money in places for the younger branches of noble families; keeps the orders of ſociety in a kind of dwarſiſh ſtate, by perpetuating the maxims of a barbarous age; weakens the legiſlature by advancing men to legiſlation, whoſe private regards abſorb public ſpirit, and who are irreſponſible to the nation; and, by dividing man from man, enfeebles the order of human beings. Who can tell where the tide of contingencies will flow? France, in whoſe political fabric nobility did indeed ſeem to form the great Corinthian capital, ſaw it neceſſary to remove it, to raiſe a government of juſtice.

"I have alſo admitted that an order of nobles might exiſt without a patent nobility. I have not ſaid that it is neceſſary; or if neceſſary, that an hereditary nobility is. Its great uſe may be thought to conſiſt in forming a kind of ſenate to give bias and conſiſtency to other powers, and to produce a harmony in ſtates; a ſenate has even been thought eſſential to a republic. France, we have been told, has left out of her political fabric the pillar of ſtrength. "Never," ſays a writer, "before this time was heard of a body politic without ſuch a council;" yet Geneva, in the infancy of the republic, was ſuch: a more ſcientific writer than Mr. Burke, though he elſewhere ſays, that a king and people may exiſt without a ſenate, yet does, in fact, ſay, "there never was a good government in the world, that did not conſiſt of the three ſimple ſpecies, of monarchy, ariſtocracy, and democracy."

"Yet France has thought otherwiſe. She thinks, that by breaking the diſtinctions between man and man, ſhe ſtrengthens ſociety, and makes the public force permanent by uniting it in a national aſſembly. [149]I decide nothing on the truth of theſe ſentiments: I propoſe theſe queſtions:—Was it not the exiſtence of the two orders of patricians and plebeians, that promoted all the diſorders of the Roman government, Were not the ſenatus conſulta and the plebiſcita frequently little elſe than excluſive decrees for particular intereſts? And while the patricians were encroaching on the plebeians, the tribunes, called to the aid of the plebeians, became in their turn factious demagogues. Amid private regards was not public liberty unknown? Was it not a ſenate that deſtroyed the liberties of Geneva?"

But to return to the Houſe of commons. Whom, or what does a houſe of commons repreſent?—not always rational beings, men and women; but for the greater part, property; and property of a particular kind. Property, though ever ſo large, copyhold, leaſehold, or perſonal, cannot be repreſented, but freehold eſtates only, poſſeſſed by men. Females, though poſſeſſed of 100,000 l, a year, either in land or money, have no repreſentatives. Since the reign of Henry VI. none can be electors of knights of the ſhire, but men poſſeſſed of forty ſhillings a year. But how few poor men have freeholds! Some pariſhes conſiſting of ſeveral hundred perſons, perhaps, have not a ſingle freeholder. Some of the largeſt and moſt wealthy towns in England have not a ſingle repreſentative. I have not yet ſpoken of boroughs. But our theory begins to vaniſh!

If the reader can avoid ſmiling at the following facts, I ſhall think him fimple; if he feel no indignation, I ſhall think him ſomething worſe.

The borough of Midhurſt in Suſſex, it is well known, contains not a ſingle houſe, and yet ſends two members to Parliament. The right of election is in one hundred and twenty burgage-holds; the former ſituation of which is marked out by a ſtone on each ſide.—The borough of Old Sarum, in Wiltſhire ſends two members to parliament; yet there is but one or [150]two houſes ſtanding. The members are choſen by a bailiff, and ſix burgeſſes, appointed by Lord Camelford, the lord of the borough, and entruſted by him with burgage-ſcites. The borough of Gatton and Caſtle-Riſing have each two houſes only, and two repreſentatives each.

The tenures of Midhurſt, I would obſerve, make no part of the town of Midhurſt. They were the property of the late Lord Montague, who, at the time of the election, made a temporary aſſignment of a part of them, either to ſome of his domeſtics or friends, in order to have thoſe members returned that he ſhould nominate. The truſtees of the eſtates of the preſent lord ſold theſe burgage-holds to the earl of Egremont for 40,000 guineas, whoſe brothers were returned for this borough the laſt general election.

Haſtings, in Suſſex, before the [...]aſſing of Mr. Crewe's bill, was entirely at the diſpoſal of the treaſury. The number of voters was [...]out twenty, all of whom had places under government, or were provided for ſome other way. This is the borough I think, in the management of which a Mr. Collins acquired a moſt ſplendid fortune, and made ample proviſion for five co-heireſſes, his daughters. The borough of Haſtings, I think, is ſtill in the management of government. Theſe are what are called rotten boroughs.

I have already hinted that ſome large towns, and theſe abounding with manufactories, have not a ſingle repreſentative: and even where property is repreſented, it is not repreſented equally. The county of Middleſex, in 1693, paid 80 parts of the land tax, and in 1697, 185 of the ſubſidy, and ſent only eight members to parliament; while Cornwall paid but eight parts of the land tax, and five only of the ſubſidy and yet ſent forty-four. As to the rotten boroughs, of ſome of which I have juſt ſpoken, they repreſent nobody; they are private property. The perſons who are choſen for them repreſent nobody, yet they have [151]all the power of repreſentatives: a uſe alſo they certainly have; they ſtrengthen the influence of the crown; and if a man have money enough to purchaſe a borough, and meanneſs enough to obey the beck of the miniſter, we know the reſt.—Thus it is, that perſons, who were never appointed by the people, make laws......

The houſe of repreſentatives amounts to between five and ſix hundred members; the majority of which are appointed by voters not exceeding twelve thouſand; the nation conſiſts of ſeven or eight million: ſo that the perſons who do actually give a vote for members are, comparatively, a ſmall part of the community. The Duke of Richmond, whoſe ſtatement I here nearly follow, once underſtood political calculation; and I am perſuaded, it is only what is ſuppoſed to be the danger of the experiment, that makes him fearful of the rule of practice. Mr. Paine obſerves, that not above one in ſeven is repreſented; this relates to repreſentatives, actually choſen: for when all the circumſtances taken into the account are conſidered, one writer aſſerts, that the walls of St. Stephen's Chapel have not been viſited by ſix members in any parliament, elected, appointed, or delegated by their conſtituents; and another, that not one perſon in five houſand is repreſented. But leaving theſe writers, I aſk again, Where is our houſe of commons? Some call it a ſtubborn ariſtocracy. Where is our houſe of repreſentatives?—Some call it a fiction. Our theory they ſay is gone. Be this as it may, the poor man is left to pay taxes.

AN APOLOGY FOR YOUNGER BROTHERS.
By the Author of A Plea for a Common Wealth. Printed in the Year 1659.

[152]

IT hath been a long received cuſtom in this land, or at leaſt, of as ancient date as the Norman monarchy, that notwithſtanding the elder ſon obtains the whole inheritance, yet to beſtow a generous and liberal education on the younger, in which, conſidering the circumſtances of thoſe times, together with the complexion of their government, I find no cauſe wherefore to accuſe our anceſtors, of either imprudence or injuſtice.

For firſt, the levelling of eſtates hath always (and that juſtly enough) been accounted altogether unſuitable to the majeſty and gaudy ſplendor of monarchi [...]l government, which hath ſometimes, though falſ [...]ly been ſuppoſed, not only the moſt abſolute and perfect form, but that which by long experience hath been found moſt ſuitable to the genius or humour of the Engliſh people, the intereſt of which government is rather to have large public revenues, with a vaſt ſtock of preferments, wherewith to gratify the ambition of the more ingenious part of the gentry, who have nothing to rely on ſave what they can purchaſe in the favour of their prince. Nor was antiquity herein deceived; for when the greateſt part of the nation, by this means, reap their chief ſubſiſtence from the public revenues of the Commonwealth, and favour of the prince, in whoſe ſole diſpoſe they are, and on whom for this cauſe, they look upon as their common father; and indeed to whom they have greater obligations than to their own parents; there appears little probability how the pillars of ſuch a government ſhould be eaſily ſhaken, whoſe baſis is founded on the intereſt of ſo great a part of the nation, to defend it with the utmoſt peril of their lives and blood. Nor have we more reaſon to accuſe our anceſtors of impiety [153]or injuſtice, than imprudence, ſince heretofore ſo great and ample were the public revenues, that a younger ſon could, either in church or ſtate, by the wings of his own induſtry or merits, have raiſed himſelf to as high a pitch of honour and fairer fortunes, than thoſe of his elder brother's birth-right; ſo that to be the firſt-born was ſcarce a privilege, except to ſuch as wanted worth to advance them; wherefore, while the Church and Court were open with their large train of preferments, to entertain the more ingenious of the gentry's younger ſons, and monaſteries to entomb thoſe of a leſs mercurial genius, there was little reaſon for commencing this complaint; for this I am compelled by the violence of truth to confeſs, in defence of the ancient conſtitution of the laws and government of this nation, that whatever their other faults, they were not injurious to younger brethren, till after the ſale of church-lands, and the abrogating thoſe many preferments that were their former inheritance.

This was the former ſtate of the nation, in which, if younger ſons were debarred a ſhare in their fathers inheritance, they might receive an ample compenſation from the Church their mother, whoſe jointure was no leſs than two thirds of the whole land; ſo that they might ſeem rather owned as the only children of the Commonwealth, and honourably maintained at the public charge thereof, than diſinherited by the unkindneſs of the laws. A generous education was then a ſufficient portion, which is now, for want of a ſuitable employment, become a curſe inſtead of a bleſſing, ſerving to no other end, than to diſcover, if not augment their miſery; ſo much is the ſcene of things changed ſince Henry VIII. ſpoiled the church of her revenues, and by conſequence theſe of the faireſt part of their inheritance; and yet nothing of the rigour of the ancient laws are herein abated towards them. It is not my intention (God knows my heart) to ſpeak a word in approbation of thoſe ſuperſtitious [154]uſes to which any abbey or biſhops lands were heretofore employed, but with reflection on thoſe good and pious, to which (in the opinion of ſome) they might have been converted.

Nor is it the deſign of theſe diſcourſes to retrieve eccleſiaſtical promotions, or demonſtrate a neceſſity of rebuilding the things we have ſo lately deſtroyed; but rather to ſhew, how unſafe and injurious it would be to eſtabliſh and fix a Commonwealth upon the ruins and tottering foundation of a decayed monarchy: nor do I blame the prudence of our late reformers, that unhorſeing the pride of the clergy, and putting down the hierarchy, they rather ſold, than reſerved in a public ſtock, the revenues of the church, by reaſon it may ſeem more ſafe for a Commonwealth to keep nothing that may encourage an invaſion of its liberty, or become the reward of uſurpation and tyranny, only I could wiſh, that ſince the reaſon and circumſtances of our laws are quite altered, we might not ſtill build on old foundations, and entail the whole land on a few proprietors or elder brethren, to the excluſion and utter ruin of the greateſt part of the nation, and contrary to the intereſt of a free ſtate or Commonwealth. I dare not charge all our late changes and many turnings in the balance of affairs on this account, though I cannot but obſerve, that our times have rung more changes, been tuned to more different inſtruments, and ran through more ſeveral forms of government, than were from the times of the Norman Conqueſt known before, to which how much the diſcontent and poverty of our gentry may have contributed, I know not; but Solomon ſaith, Oppreſſion will make a wiſe man mad. I am ſure the Younger Brothers are by far the greater number; and through nature's courteſy, commonly as rich in intellectual endowments, as poor in fortunes, and being by the tyranny (as affairs now ſtand) of Law and Cuſtom, debarred ſharing in their parents eſtates, to which they conceive nature equally entitles them with [155]their Elder Brethren; it is no wonder if they deſire to interrupt the peace and tranquillity of the Commonwealth, ſince by the ſhakings thereof, they may probably root themſelves in fairer fortunes, than from its peace and ſettlement, they may with reaſon expect; and that which arms their diſcontent with fit weapons for revenge, and renders them more formidable, is their generous education; for certainly, it is of very unſafe and dangerous conſequence, to qualify ſuch for great and noble undertakings, that are heirs to no other fortunes than what their valours can purchaſe with the ruin of the Commonwealth's peace and government. Therefore, had thoſe that made the public revenues a prey to their ambition, alſo drunk up thoſe ſtreams of bounty, by which the ſchools and univerſities are fed and maintained, and ſo taken away the means as well as the encouragement of liberal education, they had better conſulted the peace, though not the honour of the nation; for ſo long as theſe are open (if not better ordered), I doubt there will be vipers hatched to eat through the womb of government, by which they conceive themſelves injured and debarred, both that which nature gives them title to of their parents, and the ancient conſtitution of the Commonwealth in public revenues, which I would not have underſtood as proceeding from any prejudice or ill will to the univerſities, which I much honour, and in which, with thankfulneſs I acknowledge, to have received my education, but only to diſcover the ſhortneſs of that policy, that taking away the preferments, ſhould reward and crown all academic endeavours, yet never reduced the means whereby men are qualified for an expectation, and prompted to an ambition of them; and, indeed, of a like ſtrain is moſt of our modern policy, not ſkin deep, and rather to be accounted ſhifts and preſent evaſions of impendent evils, than antidotes of ſolid prudence, for either the obviating, or healing any diſaſter or malady in the body politic.

[156]Certainly, a generous education is not proper for ſuch as are intended for little leſs than ſlaves. It is ignorance is the mother of obedience, whereas knowledge makes men proud and factious, eſpecially when they conceive their fortunes and e [...]ployments are not correſpondent to the grandeur of their birth and education.

The younger ſon is apt to think himſelf ſprung from as noble a ſtock, from the loins of as good a gentleman as his elder brother, and therefore cannot but wonder, why fortune and the law ſhould make ſo great a difference between them that lay in the ſame womb, that are formed of the ſame lump; why law or cuſtom ſhould deny them an eſtate, whom nature hath given diſcretion to know how to manage it.

Learning ennobles and elevates the ſoul, cauſing it to deſpiſe and ſet light by ſmall and baſe things; and therefore, where that flouriſhes, men are not eaſily taught to ſubmit their necks to an iron yoke of ſlavery; which prompts the Turkiſh prudence to extinguiſh all ſuch lights by which men gain a proſpect or diſcovery of the thraldom and miſery of their condition. It would drink more ink, and waſte more time than I, or perhaps the reader, would willingly beſtow, to give an account of all the miſchiefs and inconveniences that proceed from the fertile womb of this ſingle miſtake, that a generous education (notwithſtanding the abolition of all encouragements of learning and ingenious preferments) is a ſufficient portion for a Younger Brother. Wiſdom is good with an inheritance, but the wiſdom of the poor man is deſpiſed. The muſes without a dowry are but deſpicable virgins, and the unnatural, though uſual divorce, that is at this day found between wit and money, renders both uſeleſs, if not pernicious to the Commonwealth. I doubt not, but ſhould we take a view of things through the proſpective of ſome men's obſervations, we ſhould diſcover this in part the cauſe of that tranquillity and ſettlement, peace and [157]proſperity, with which in former times this Britiſh Iſle was crowned; as alſo of thoſe many ſhakings and convulſions in which theſe latter ages have ſeen her caſt into: and can we expect it ſhould be otherwiſe? when (as Solomon hath obſerved) There is not bread to the wiſe, nor riches to men of underſtanding, nor yet favour to men of ſkill, &c. which ſeems to proceed from no other cauſe than the iniquity of our laws, pouring all the wealth into one channel, and conveying the whole land into the hands of a few Proprietors or elder Brethren.

I confeſs, thoſe providence hath placed on high, on the battlements of ſupreme power, may, if their eyes are open, and not blinded by private intereſt, command a fairer proſpect, and diſcern farther into theſe things, then ſuch whom a meaner fortune hath left in the valley of a low and private condition; therefore, I ſhall not preſume to inform thoſe intelligences that turn about the orbs of government; only could wiſh, there were ſuch a ſcene of things brought forth, as may give encouragement to expect a ſettlement, without a miracle.

To which, as things now ſtand, I cannot perſuade myſelf, but that the eſtabliſhing of gavel kind, would have no ſmall tendency; for can any thing be done more ſuitable to a Commonwealth? or is there any thing more juſt and equitable, than that all the children ſhould ſhare in their Parents inheritances? or indeed is there not rather an abſolute neceſſity thereof, ſince all the former avenues by which men had acceſs to preferment are hedged up? is not the only door at preſent open to a fortune, that of the law? which is alſo now, together with all other profeſſions, ſo overſtocked with ſtudents, and thereby become ſo burdenſome, that the Nation will no longer endure it. For are they not neceſſitated to deviſe daily new quirks and ſubtleties, whereby ſuits may be multiplied, to the confuſion of eſtates, and oppreſſion of the people. How much more honourable would it be [158]to our reformation, and new eſtabliſhed government, that there were a more equal and righteous diſtribution of the things of this earth, than that the greater part of the nation ſhould be put to ſhift and ſcramble for a livelihood, or be neceſſitated to live on the ſins of the people.

Why eſtates may not, for the future, deſcend regularly to the whole offspring that are of the ſame blood and family, inſtead of one branch thereof, I know no inconvenience in that, eſpecially in thoſe circumſtances we are in at preſent, being fallen into an age ſo eagle-eyed and quick-ſighted, as to diſcern ſpots on the ſun, and diſcover corruption in the heavens; which the duller opticks of antiquity judged immaculate, and as altogether incorruptible: an age that dares pry into the pious frauds, and unmaſk the moſt religious deceits, which the devouter ignorance of our anceſtors never beheld, but at a ſuperſtitious and reverential diſtance; an age, in which the art of living, or to gain and honeſt ſubſiſtance, is grown ſo ſubtle, ſo difficult and abſtruſe a myſtery, that few are able to maſter it.

How many ingenious gentlemen, that are now clothed with rags and miſery, might have raiſed themſelves to fair eſtates, had they had a ſtock wherewith to ſet their induſtry on work; for can any man make brick wherewith to build themſelves a fortune without any ſtraw? How many might this have reprieved from an untimely death, who might have been uſeful to their country, and ornaments to the Commonwealth, had their parts and ingenuities found due encouragements? How many brave ſparkling wits, that might have proved bright ſtars and ſhining lamps both in Church and Commonwealth, have been extinguiſhed in obſcurity, for want of maintenance, the oil whereby their lamps ſhould have been fed and nouriſhed.

Were it not far more juſt to reſtrain marriage, or at leaſt give check, and ſet bounds to the luſt of parents, [159]by ſtinting the number of their offspring to a child or two, and ſealing up the fertile womb, than thus turn that bleſſing of god, increaſe and multiply, into the greateſt curſe, and viſit the iniquity of the parents upon the children? Or, were it not a greater act of charity, according to the example of the Heathen, to expoſe or drown theſe latter births, as we do ſuch ſupernumerary dogs &c. as would otherwiſe over-ſtock our commons, than thus expoſe them like ſo many little [...]ſ [...]ſes in arks of bulruſhes to a ſea of poverty and [...]ſery, from whence they many never expect reprieve, unleſs ſome miraculous providence (like Pharo's [...]ghters) chance to reſcue and receive them into her court and favour? Our law making no more proviſion for Younger Brethren than if they were to be cloathed like the lillies of the field, or like Elias, to expect their food from ravens, receiving no other comfort from the hands of men, than what they can ſuck from the dry breaſts of an old proverb, that God will ſend meat whereſoever he hath provided mouths, than which nothing more true, did not the covetouſneſs of men withhold it.

It was the cuſtom of our gentry and nobility to clap ſuch of their phlegmatic offspring, as nature had not made mercurial enough to ambiate either church or court preferments into ſome religious habit; and ſo keep up the ſplendour of their families, by pruning away ſuch under-branches for the ſervice of the alter, as either, through their number or folly were like to let in poverty, and thereby become a diſpar [...]gement to the noble ſtock from whence they ſprang, which hath prompted ſome to an opinion, that if in theſe more populous northern climates, a kind of Proteſtant monaſteries were erected for encouragement of chaſtity and ſingle life, eſpecially among the poorer ſort, it would (pardoning the ſoleciſm of the name) be more conſonant to the maxims of ſtate and true polley, than in thoſe hotter and more barren climates, where there is ſo little danger of being over-ſtocked [160]or burdened with people, that on the contrary they want men for the neceſſary defence of their territories; of which we have a pertinent inſtance in Spain, whoſe religious houſes (did not their blind devotion ſo much triumph over their policy) had long ſince been buried under their own ruins; for there can no other account be given, why that wiſe and prudent nation labouring under ſo great a weight of affairs, and ſcarcity of men, to manage their wars, ſhould tolerate ſo many hives of drones; which ſo long as they ſhall continue, may give good caution and ſecurity to its neighbouring ſtates and princes, to lay aſleep their fears and jealouſies of his ever attaining that univerſal monarchy, at which, for ſo many centuries, the lips of his proud ambition have been thought to water: there being little probability that his palſey hands ſhould graſp the univerſe, that hath not ſtrength enough to hold that little part thereof he hath already faſtened on; and therefore the Spaniſh conqueſts may not unfitly be compared to thoſe of rivers upon the banks of their channels, loſing as much in one place as they gain in others?

But ſince Providence hath been pleaſed in mercy to bring back our captivity, and again to caſt us into the advantagious form of a Commonwealth, if gavel-kind were once eſtabliſhed, we ſhall ſtand in need of no other devices for keeping out of poverty, than the ſetting induſtry on work according to the opportunities, plentiful occaſions will adminiſter in an equal Commonwealth. But I ſhall now return to the lawyers, from whom I have made ſo long a digreſſion. I have read, that in the more pure and leſs ſophiſticated times of our anceſtors, great eſtates have been paſſed in few words, and the conveyance proved more firm and good, than thoſe tedious, prolix, tautological inſtruments, the knavery of latter ages hath introduced.

In ſign that this is ſooth
I bite the white wax with my tooth.

[161]Or the like being the form of thoſe more ſimple and ſincere times; whereas now, through the fraud of lawyers, all things are ſo ambiguouſly penned, that none but a ſphinx in their myſteries is able to underſtand or unriddle them.

The profeſſors of which myſtery of iniquity that live upon the ſins of the people, are of late grown ſo numerous, that like locuſts, or an Egyptian plague, they cover the face of our land, and are thriven to ſuch vaſt eſtates, that whereas heretofore the Church and Clergy being in poſſeſſion of two thirds, of the beſt lands throughout the realm, gave birth to the ſtatute of Mortmain for ſecurity of the reſt: we may juſtly fear, unleſs ſome prudent care be taken for prevention of their future purchaſes, leſt this pack, &c. by their quirks, &c. inſtate themſelves in our inheritances, and ingroſs the wealth and revenues of the whole nation unto themſelves, &c.

I have heard this ſubtle generation were not in ſo fair a plight, when every term they beat upon the hoof to London, with their ſatchels on their backs, and at the towns end proffered their ſervices, like waterman at the Thames ſide, to be retained by the country clients; and I know not whether we may ever expect a golden age, or to ſee good days, till the intereſt of this corrupt generation be laid as low as any hiſtories can produce a precedent; which at this time muſt needs have the greateſt countenance of juſtice that can be, they having been ſo notoriouſly inſtrumental in betraying our liberties; and ſelling us into the hands of tyranny, by which, together with their other iniquities, they have contracted ſo great an odium in the hearts and eyes of all honeſt men, that I Know not whether the hanging up of their gowns in Weſtminſter Hall might not be as acceptable a trophy in the eyes of the people, as the Scotch colours.

I have often wondered, that notwithſtanding the grace miſchief the nation hath ſuffered by the lawyers [...]ning our laws and acts of parliaments, being known [162]to leave flaws, and always render them ſo lame, they can, for their advantage, wreſt them to what ſenſe they pleaſe, and thereby make themſelves the lords and abſolute arbitrators both of our lives and fortunes; that for prevention of like future abuſes they are not excluded the Houſe of Commons as well as the Clergy, there being as much reaſon and more precedent for the one than the other, for that the Judges never had a vote in the Houſe of Peers, but only ſat upon the Wool-pack, whereas the Biſhops had like privileges with the other Lords. It being very incongruous in reaſon that they ſhould be the makers of our laws who are the mercenary Interpreters, leſt biaſſed by their own intereſts, inſtead of fences to our properties, they make them ſnares to our lives and eſtates.

But it is hoped, the prudence of our Senators will make ſo thorough a reformation of the Laws, that as they are the birth-right and inheritance of every Engliſhman, and the intereſt of all perſons to know and be intimately acquainted with them, ſo they ſhall be rendered ſo facil and eaſy, that the meaneſt capacity may conceive them, at leaſt ſo far as he is concerned therein; that ſo there may be no longer any occaſion of keeping up ſo corrupt an intereſt of men to make juſtice mercenary, who have been always found the panders of tyranny, and betrayers of our liberties; and that for the future, every man may be permitted to be his own orator and plead his own cauſe, or procure what friend they pleaſe to be their advocates; that right may be done gratis to every man, and the cry of the oppreſſed may no longer be heard in our gates; But that judgment may run down like a ſtream, and righteouſneſs like a mighty torrent in the midſt of our ſtreets.

I ſhall conclude with that honeſt deſire of the inhabitants of Hull, of late preſented to the Parliament; That the laws by which this Commonwealth is to be governed may be thoſe holy, juſt and righteous laws of the great and wiſe God, our rightful lawgiver; and where [163]any caſe is unprovided for in the expreſs terms of his word, care may be taken to determine it, with the moſt exact proportion that is poſſible thereto, that ſo our laws being founded on the Scriptures, and ſo compoſed, as not only to have great affinity with, but alſo to border on the very ſuburbs of divinity, the greater reverence and authority may be conciliated to each; and it may ſeem the leſs incongruous for our civil magiſtrates to be utriſque peritus, ſkilful in both.

Now whatſoever hath been here ſpoken out of a moſt intenſely heated zeal for public good, with reflection on the abuſes of the law, and the profeſſors thereof, I would not have miſconſtrued to reflect upon their perſons, which I honour, and acknowledge many of them to be men of great candour and integrity, but rather of the corrupt intereſt of the profeſſion, it being the deſign of theſe diſcourſes to witneſs only againſt intereſts, and not to revile or aſperſe the perſons of any whatſoever, &c.

And, indeed, to ſpeak my mind freely, the grand error in the reformation of theſe times hath been its weeding out of perſons, when as the blow ſhould have been levelled againſt the intereſts, which notwithſtanding the frequent change of perſons, ſtill take root, and ſpring up in as great vigour as before; and therefore I humbly conceive, till the ax be laid to the root of every evil and corrupt intereſt, we may not expect to reap any great fruit or ſucceſs by our reformation, for all fleſh is corruptible, and every man a lie; nor is he that marches in the rear any better able to reſiſt the temptation, or avoid the ſnares of his place than he that fell before him.

They may comment on the Two following Advertiſements that will for me.

IN the Norfolk Chronicle of November 2, 1793, a reward of two hundred pounds is promiſed by [164]his Majeſty, for diſcovery of the writer or publiſher of the following hand-bill, which was ſtuck up and diſtributed in and about Norwich.

To all real Lovers of Liberty.

My Friends and Fellow Citizens,

[...]s with the greateſt joy I congratulate you on the Defeat of the combined Tyrants.—Be aſſured that Liberty and Freedom will at laſt prevail. Tremble O thou Oppreſſor of the People, that reigneth upon the Throne, and ye Miniſters of State weep, for ye ſhall fall. Weep, O ye Conductors of this vile and wicked War, ye who grind the Face of the Poor, oppreſs the People, and ſtarve the induſtrious Mechanic.—My friends, you are oppreſſed—you know it.—Revenge it. Lord Buckingham, who died the other day, had Thirty Thouſand Pounds yearly, for ſetting his Arſe in the Houſe of Lords, and doing nothing.—Think of this, ye who work hard, and have hardly a cruſt to put in your Mouths, think how many Wretches it would have made happy. In ſhort, my Friends, Liberty calls aloud, ye who will hear her Voice, may you be free and happy. He who does not, let him ſtarve and be damned.

N. B. Be reſolute, and you ſhall be happy; he who wiſhes well to the Cauſe of Liberty, let him repair to Chapel Fields at Five o'Cloek, This Afternoon, to begin a glorious Revolution.

ADVERTISEMENT VERBATIM, From the MORNING CHRONICLE of Nov. 15, 1793.

FIVE THOUSAND POUNDS.

The above ſum will be given as A COMPLIMENT to any LADY or Gentleman, who has intereſt to procure [165]a Situation FOR LIFE under Government, for a Gentleman of an active diſpoſition, between 40 and 50, of the ſtricteſt honour and integrity, who will have no objection to a few hours attendance every day in London, BY WAY OF AMUSEMENT. The emolement thereof muſt be equal to the gratuity. As the above ſum is ready at a day's notice, none but principals will be treated with, and the moſt inviolable ſecreſy will be obſerved, if required. A line for B. A. Will's Coffee-houſe, Cornhill, will be attended to.

NATIONAL FASTING GENERALLY INSIDIOUS AND IMPIOUS.
From Faſt-Day Sermons, by the Rev. J. Murray, of Newcaſtle, Author of Sermons to Aſſes. Printed in the Year 1781.

ISAIAH, 58, 4, 6.‘Behold, ye faſt for Strife and Debate, and to ſmite with the fiſt of Wickedneſs.—Is not this the Faſt that I have choſen? to looſe the Bands of Wickedneſs, to undo the heavy Burdens, and to let the Oppreſſed go free, and that ye break every Yoke.’

ACCORDING to the ſtile of Revelation, all unjuſt and arbitrary decrees are bands of wickedneſs, by whatſoever human authority they are impoſed, becauſe they are contrary to moral juſtice, and are oppreſſive to the people. And though they can never bind the conſciences of men, and ſo have no moral influence, yet they are cords of oppreſſion, that ſit hard upon their bodies and their temporal intereſt. Laws that are unfriendly to the temporal intereſt, and general good of ſociety; laws that are made to exalt a few to power and dignity, by ſpunging, ſqueezing, and oppreſſing all other ranks of people, though contrived [166]trived by angels, and executed by ſaints, are bands of wickedneſs, which may cauſe people to ſuffer for tranſgreſſing, but can never create ſin in diſobeying.

When the Rulers of a Nation, to gratify their own luſts of pride and ambition, impoſe heavy and oppreſſive burdens upon the people by legiſlative authority, they eſtabliſh iniquity by a law, which in the ſtricteſt ſenſe of the words, is a band of iniquity. The luſts of princes and their ſervants, often create their own wants, and render them neceſſitous; they then make uſe of their power and influence to procure laws to oblige others to ſupply them, whether they are able or not; and what aggravates the evil, when the ſubjects know and feel that they are not able to anſwer the heavy demands of power, they are not allowed to be judges of their own abilities. Thoſe that rule over others ought to be ſober and temperate, and make the reaſonable finances of ſtate ſerve them in executing their offices. Unneceſſary ſplendor and expence in government are inconſiſtent with both reaſon and religion, which teach us, that it is one of the great ends of laws and government to reſtrain unruly appetites and paſſions. It is ſinful in princes to coin expenſive offices to ſerve their favourites, and oppreſs their ſubjects. Nothing can be more audacious, than for men appointed to be guardians of ſociety, with a deſign to make individuals eaſy and happy, to pretend to come before the Lord, in the moſt ſolemn manner, to aſk his aid and aſſiſtance to oppreſs them. Such is undoubtedly the language of the enſuing Faſt, and of the conduct of its authors and deviſers.

The poor, in all parts of Britain, are groaning under a heavy load of taxes, deviſed for new purpoſes, and impoſed by new ſtatutes. But for what reaſons? Where is the neceſſity? What way are they applied? Are they not intended to carry violence and deſolation, fire and ſword, among a people, whoſe only fault is, that they are endowed with principles, and a [167]ſpirit which Engliſhmen once gloried in, and which ſaved this nation from poverty and arbitrary power, and will not part with what God and nature, and the laws have given them, to gratify the luſts of men who have degenerated from the noble generous temper of their anceſtors, into Eaſtern nabobs, and Turkiſh baſhaws. Theſe men have thought ſit to contrive war, foreign and domeſtic, to gratify their depraved paſſions, and the rich and poor throughout the nation muſt be oppreſſed to carry it on; bands of wickedneſs are twiſted one year after another, and the nation groans in chains. All the neceſſaries of life are in ſome way or other taxed; our ſmoke cannot aſcend to the ſky, nor a ray of light peep in at our windows, without paying an heavy impoſt. The inſide, as well as the outſide of our houſes, are aſſeſſed; and poor people, who cannot, without great difficulty, afford to pay five pounds for a houſe to lodge in through the year, muſt now pay five ſixpences more. And for what reaſon? to carry on a war that originated in injuſtice, has been carried on with folly, and attended with diſgrace and diſappointment.—To ſhed innocent blood, and carry death and deſolation acroſs the Atlantic to deſtroy our brethren, to ſatiate the voracious luſts of a few ambitious men, who would waſte the globe, and ruin Heaven itſelf, provided they had the management thereof. Ah, Britain! will the God of mercy, who delights in forgiving offences, hear your prayers, or regard your faſtings, when you are twiſting cords of oppreſſion, inſtead of looſing bands of wickedneſs. Ah, ye Rulers of the Land, whither are ye haſtening? you cannot run long when you are ruſhing upon the boſſes of Jehovah's buckler! When you faſt for ſtrife and debate, and to ſmite with the fiſt of wickedneſs, do you imagine that the God of Mercy will hear your prayers with acceptance, or regard your faſting, any otherwiſe than ſetting them down to the ſum total of your paſt iniquities.

ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.
From Gurney's Edition of the ſaid Trial.

[168]

EVERY man, not intending to miſlead and to confound, but ſeeking to enlighten others with what his own reaſon and conſcience, however erroneouſly, dictate to him as truth, may addreſs himſelf to the univerſal reaſon of a whole nation, either upon the ſubject of governments in general, or upon that of our own particular country: he may analyſe the principles of its conſtitution, point out its errors and defects, examine and publiſh its corruptions, warn his fellow-citizens againſt their ruinous conſequences, and exert his whole faculties, in pointing out the moſt advantageous changes in eſtabliſhments, which he conſiders to be radically defective, or ſliding from their object by abuſe. All this every ſubject of this country has a right to do, if he contemplates only what he thinks its happineſs, and but ſeeks to change the public mind by the conviction which flows from reaſonings dictated by conſcience.

If, indeed, he writes what he does not think; if, contemplating the miſery of others, he wickedly condemns what his own underſtanding approves; or, even admitting his real diſguſt againſt the government, or its corruptions; if he calumniates living magiſtrates; or holds out to individuals, that they have a right to run before the public mind in their conduct; that they may oppoſe by contumacy or force what private reaſon only diſapproves; that they may diſobey the law, becauſe their judgment condemns it; or reſiſt the public will, becauſe they honeſtly wiſh to change it; he is then a criminal upon every principle of rational policy, as well as upon the immemorial [169]precedents of Engliſh juſtice; becauſe ſuch a perſon ſeeks to diſunite individuals from their duty to the whole, and excites to overt acts of miſconduct in a part of the community, inſtead of endeavouring to change, by the impulſe of reaſon, the univerſal aſcent which, in this and in every country, conſtitutes the law for all.

Gentlemen, I ſay, in the name of Thomas Paine, and in his words as author of the Rights of Man, as written in the very volume that is charged with ſeeking the deſtruction of property,

‘The end of all political aſſociations is, The preſervation of the Rights of Man, which rights are Liberty, Property, and Security; that the nation is the ſource of all ſovereignty derived from it: the right of property being ſecured and inviolable, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in caſes of evident public neceſſity, legally aſcertained, and on condition of a previous juſt indemnity.’

Theſe are undoubtedly the rights of man—the rights for which all governments are eſtabliſhed—and the only rights Mr. Paine contends for; but which he thinks (no matter whether right or wrong) are better to be ſecured by a republican conſtitution than by the forms of the Engliſh government. He inſtructs me to admit, that, when government is once conſtituted, no individuals, without rebellion, can withdraw their obedience from it—that all attempts to excite them to it are highly criminal, for the moſt obvious reaſons of policy and juſtice—that nothing ſhort of the Will of a whole people can change or effect the rule by which a nation is to be governed —and that no private opinion, however honeſtly inimicable to the forms or ſubſtance of the law, can juſtify reſiſtance to its authority, while it remains in force. The author of the Rights of Man not only admits the truth of all this doctrine, but he conſents to be convicted, and I alſo conſent for him, unleſs his Work ſhall be found ſtudiouſly and painfully to inculcate [170]culcate theſe great principles of government, which it is charged to have been written to deſtroy. Let me not, therefore, be ſuſpected to be contending, that it is lawful to write a book pointing out defects in the Engliſh government, and exciting individuals to deſtroy its ſanctions, and to refuſe obedience. But, on the other hand, I do contend, that it is lawful to addreſs the Engliſh nation on theſe momentous ſubjects, for had it not been for this unalienable right (thanks be to God and our fathers for eſtabliſhing it), how ſhould we have had this Conſtitution which we ſo loudly boaſt of? If, in the march of the human mind, no man could have gone before the eſtabliſhments of the time he lived in, how could our eſtabliſhment, by reiterated changes, have become what it is? If no man could have awakened the public mind to errors and abuſes in our government, how could it have paſſed on from ſtage to ſtage, through reformation and revolution, ſo as to have arrived from barbariſm to ſuch a pitch of happineſs and perfection, that the Attorney General conſiders it as profanation to touch it any further, or to look for any future amendment.

In this manner power has reaſoned in every age— Government, in its own eſtimation, has been at all times a ſyſtem of perfection; but a free preſs has examined and detected its errors, and the people have happily reformed them: this freedom has alone made our government what it is, and alone can preſerve it; and therefore, under the banners of that freedom, today I ſtand up to defend Thomas Paine. But how, alas! ſhall this taſk be accompliſhed? How may I expect from you what human nature has not made man for the performance of? How may I addreſs your reaſons, or aſk them to pauſe, amidſt the torrent of prejudice which has hurried away the public mind on the ſubject you are to judge?

Was any Engliſhman ever ſo brought as a criminal before an Engliſh Court of Juſtice?—If I were to aſk you, Gentlemen of the Jury, what is the choiceſt [171]fruit that grows upon the tree of Engliſh Liberty, you would anſwer, SECURITY UNDER THE LAW. If I were to aſk the whole people of England, the return they looked for at the hands of Government, for the burdens under which they bend to ſupport it, I ſhould ſtill be anſwered, SECURITY UNDER THE LAW; or, in other words, an impartial adminiſtration of juſtice. So ſacred, therefore, has the Freedom of Trial been ever held in England; ſo anxiouſly does juſtice guard againſt every poſſible bias in her path, that if the public mind has been locally agitated upon any ſubject in judgment, the forum is either changed or the trial poſtponed. The circulation of any paper that brings, or which can be ſuppoſed to bring, prejudice, or even well-founded knowledge, within the reach of a Britiſh tribunal, on the ſpur of an occaſion, is not only highly criminal, but defeats itſelf, by leading to put of the trial which its object was to pervert. On this principle, his Lordſhip will permit me to remind him, that on the trial of the Dean of St. Aſaph, for a libel, or rather, when he was brought to trial, the circulation of books by a ſociety favourable to his defence, was held by the noble Lord, as Chief Juſtice of Cheſter, to be a reaſon for not trying the cauſe; although they contained no matter relative to the Dean, nor to the object of his trial; being only extracts from ancient authors of high reputation, on the general Rights of Juries to conſider the innocence as well as the guilt of the accuſed; yet ſtill, as the recollection of theſe rights was preſſed forward, with a view to effect the proceedings, to guard the principle the proceedings were poſtponed.

Is the Defendant then to be the only exception to theſe admirable proviſions? Is the Engliſh law to judge him, ſtript of the armour with which its univerſal juſtice encircles all others? Shall we, in the very act of judging him for detracting from the Engliſh government, furniſh him with ample matter for juſt reprobation, inſtead of detraction? Has not his [172]cauſe been prejudged through a thouſand channels? Has not the work before you been daily publicly revived, and his perſon held up to deriſion and reproach? Has not the public mind been excited, by crying down the very phraſe and idea of the Rights of Man? Nay, have not aſſociations of gentlemen, I ſpeak it with regret, becauſe I am perſuaded, from what I know of ſome of them, that they, amongſt them at leaſt, thought they were ſerving the public; yet have they not, in utter contempt and ignorance of that Conſtitution of which they declare themſelves to be the guardians, publiſhed the groſſeſt attacks upon the Defendant? Have they not, even while the cauſe has been ſtanding here in the paper for immediate trial, publiſhed a direct proteſt againſt the very work now before you; advertiſing in the ſame paper, though under the general deſcription of ſeditious papers, a reward on the conviction of any perſon who ſhould dare to ſell the book itſelf, to which their own publication was an anſwer?—The Attorney General has ſpoken of a forced circulation of this Work; but how have theſe prejudging papers been circulated? We all know how: they have been thrown into our carriages in every ſtreet; they have met us at every turnpike; and they lie in the areas of all our houſes. To complete the triumph of prejudice, that High Tribunal, of which I have the honour to be a member (my learned friends know what I ſay to be true), has been drawn into this vortex of ſlander; and ſome of its members, for I do not ſpeak of the Houſe itſelf, have thrown the weight of their ſtations into the ſame ſcale.

By all means I maintain that this cauſe has been prejudged.

It may be ſaid, that I have made no motion to put off the trial for theſe cauſes, and that courts of themſelves take no cognizance of what paſſes elſewhere, without facts laid before them. Gentlemen, I know that I ſhould have had equal juſtice from that [173]quarter, if I had brought myſelf within the rule. But when ſhould I have been better in the preſent aſpect of things? And therefore I only remind you of all theſe hardſhips, that you may recollect that your judgment is to proceed upon that alone which meets you here, upon the evidence in the cauſe, and not upon ſuggeſtions deſtructive of every principle of juſtice.

Having diſpoſed of theſe foreign prejudices, I hope you will as little regard ſome arguments that have been offered to you in court. The letter which has been ſo repeatedly preſſed upon you, you ought to diſmiſs even from your recollection; I have already put it out of the queſtion, as having been written long ſubſequent to the Book, and as being a libel on the King, which no part of the information charges, and which may hereafter be proſecuted as a diſtinct offence. I conſider that letter beſides, and indeed have always beard it treated, as a forgery, contrived to injure the merits of the cauſe, and to embarraſs me perſonally in its defence. I have a right ſo to conſider it, becauſe it is unſupported by any thing ſimilar at an earlier period. The Defendant's whole deportment, previous to the publication, has been wholly unexceptionable; he properly deſired to be given up as the author of the Book, if any enquiry ſhould take place concerning it; and he is not affected in evidence, directly or indirectly, with any illegal or ſuſpicious conduct; not even with having uttered an indiſcreet or counting expreſſion, nor with any one matter or thing, inconſiſtent with the duty of the beſt ſubject in England. His opinions indeed were not adverſe to our ſyſtem; but I maintain that OPINION is free, and that CONDUCT alone is amenable to the law.

You are next to judge of the author's mind and intention, by the modes and extent of the circulation of his work. The Firſt Part of the Rights of Man, Mr. Attorney General tells you, he did not proſecute, although it was in circulation through the country for a year and a half together, becauſe it [174]ſeems it circulated only amongſt what he ſtiles the judicious part of the public, who poſſeſſed in their capacities and experience an antidote to the poiſon; but that with regard to the Second Part now before you, its circulation had been forced into every corner of ſociety; had been printed and reprinted for cheapneſs even upon whited brown paper, and had crept into the very nurſeries of children, as a wrapper for their ſweetmeats.

In anſwer to this ſtatement, which after all ſtand only upon Mr Attorney General's own aſſertion, unſupported by any kind of proof (no witneſs having proved the author's perſonal interference with the ſale), I ſtill maintain, that if he had the moſt anxiouſly promoted it, the queſtion would remain exactly the ſame: the queſtion would ſtill be, whether at the time when Paine compoſed his work, and promoted the moſt extenſive purchaſe of it, he believed or diſbelieved what he had written, and whether he contemplated the happineſs or the miſery of the Engliſh nation, to which it is addreſſed; and which ever of theſe intentions may be evidenced to your judgments upon reading the Book itſelf, I confeſs I am utterly at a loſs to comprehend how a writer can be ſuppoſed to mean ſomething different from what he has written, by an axiety (common I belive to all authors) that his work ſhould be generally read.

Remember, I am not aſking your opinions of the doctrines themſelves, you know them already pretty viſibly ſince I began to addreſs you; but I ſhall appeal not only to you, but to thoſe who, without our leave, will hereafter judge without appeal of all that we are doing to day; whether, upon the matter which I haſten to lay before you, you can refuſe in juſtice to pronounce, that from his education—from the accidents and habits of his life—from the time and occaſion of the publication—from the circumſtances attending it—and from every line and letter of the work itsſelf, and all his other writings before and even ſince, his conſcience and underſtanding (no [175]matter whether erroneouſly or not) were deeply and ſolemnly impreſſed with the matters contained in his Book,—that he addreſſed it to the reaſon of the nation at large, and not to the paſſions of individuals, and that in the iſſue of its influence, he contemplated only what appeared to him (though it may not to us) to be the intereſt and happineſs of England, and of the whole human race. In drawing the one or the other of theſe concluſions, the Book ſtands firſt in order, and it ſhall now ſpeak for itſelf.

Gentlemen, the whole of it is in evidence before you, the particular parts arraigned having only been read by my conſent, upon the preſumption that on retiring from the court, you would careſully compare them with the context, and all the parts with the whole viewed together. You cannot indeed do juſtice without it. The moſt common letter, even in the ordinary courſe of buſineſs, cannot be read in a cauſe to prove an obligation for twenty ſhillings without the whole being read, that the writer's meaning may be ſeen without deception. But in a criminal charge of only four pages and a half, out of a work containing nearly two hundred, you cannot, with even the appearance of common juſtice, pronounce a judgment without the moſt deliberate and cautious compariſon. I obſerve, that the noble and learned Judge confirms me in this obſervation. But if any given part of a work be legally explanatory, of every other part of it, the preface, a fortiori, is the moſt material; becauſe the preface is the author's own key to his writing: it is there that he takes the reader by the hand, and introduces him to his ſubject: it is there that the ſpirit and intention of the whole is laid before him by way of prologue. A preface is meant by the author as a clue to ignorant or careleſs readers: the author ſays by it, to every man who chooſes to begin where he ought—look at my plan—attend to my diſtinctions—mark the purpoſe and limitations of the matter I lay before you.

(To be continued.)

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF FRANCE, As accepted by the Nation on the 10th of Auguſt, 1793.
DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.

[176]

THE French people, convinced that forgetfulneſs of, and contempt for, the natural rights of man, are the only cauſes of the crimes and misfortunes of the world, have reſoved to expoſe, in a Declaration, their ſacred and inclienable right, in order that all Citizens, being always able to compare the acts of the government with the end of every ſocial inſtitution, may never ſuffer themſelves to be oppreſſed and degraded by tyranny; and that the people may always have before their eyes the baſis of their liberty and happineſs; the magiſtrates the rule of their duty; and legiſlators the object of their miſſion—

They acknowledge therefore and proclaim, in the preſence of the Surreme Being [...], the following Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens:—

  • ARTICLE I. The end of ſociety is common happineſs. Government is inſtituted to ſecure to man the enjoyment of his natural and impreſcriptible rights.
  • II. Theſe rights are Equality, Liberty, Safety, and Property.
  • III. All men are equal by nature, and before the law.
  • IV. The Law is the free and ſolemn expreſſion of the general will. It ought to be the ſame for all, whether it protects or puniſhes. It cannot order but what is juſt and uſeful to Society. It cannot forbid but what is hurtful.
  • V. All Citizens are equally admiſſible to public employments. Free people know no other motives of preſerence in their elections, than virtue and talents.
  • [177]VI. Liberty is that power which belongs to a man, of doing every thing that does not hurt the rights of another: Its principle is nature: Its rule juſtice: Its protection the law: And its moral limits are detined by this maxim, "Do not to another what you would not wiſh done to yourſelf."
  • VII. The rights of manifeſting one's thoughts and opinions, either by the preſs, or in any other manner; the right of aſſembling peaceably, and the free exerciſe of religious worſhip cannot be forbidden. The neceſſity of announcing theſe rights, ſuppoſes either the preſence, or the recent remembrance of deſpotiſm.
  • VIII. Whatever is not forbidden by the law cannot be prevented. No one can be forced to do that, which it does not order.
  • IX. Safety conſiſts in the protection granted by the Society to each Citizen for the preſervation of his perſon, his rights, and his property.
  • X. The Law avenges public and individual liberty of the abuſes committed againſt them by power.
  • XI. No perſon can be accuſed, arreſted or confined, but in caſes determined by the law, and according to the forms which it preſcribes. Every Citizen ſummoned or ſeized by the authority of the law, ought immediately to obey; he renders himſelf culpable by reſiſtance.
  • XII. Every act exerciſed againſt a man to which the caſes in the law do not apply, and in which its forms are not obſerved, is arbitrary and tyrannical. Reſpect for the law forbids him to ſubmit to ſuch acts; and if attempts are made to execute them by violence, he has a right to repel force by force.
  • XIII. Thoſe who ſhall ſolicit, diſpatch, ſign, execute, or cauſe to be executed, arbitrary acts, are culpable, and ought to be puniſhed.
  • XIV. Every man being ſuppoſed innocent until he has been declared guilty, if it is judged indiſpenſible [178]to arreſt him, all ſeverity not neceſſary to ſecute his perſon ought to be ſtrictly repreſied by the law.
  • XV. No one ought to be tried and puniſhed until he has been legally ſummoned, and in virtue of a law publiſhed previous to the commiſtion of the crime, A law which ſhould puniſh crimes committed before it [...]iſted would be tyrannical. The re-troactive effect given to a law would be a crime.
  • XVI. The law ought not to decree any puniſhments but ſuch as are ſtrictly and evidently neceſſary — puniſhment ought to be proportioned to the crime, and a [...]ul to ſociety.
  • XVII. The right of property is that right which belongs to every Citizen to enjoy and diſpoſe of according to his pleaſure, his property, revenues, labour and induſtry.
  • XVIII. No kind of labour, culture, or commerce, can be forbidden to the induſtrious Citizen.
  • XIX. Every man may engage his ſervices and his time, but he cannot ſell himſelf—his perſon is not alienable property. The law does not acknowledge ſervitude—there can exiſt only an engagement of care and gratitude between the man who labours, and the man who employs him.
  • XX. No one can be deprived of the ſmalleſt portion of his property, without his conſent, except when the public neceſſity, legally aſcertained, evidently require it, and on condition of a juſt and previous indemnification.
  • XXI. No contribution can be eſtabliſhed, but for general utility, and to relieve the public wants. Every Citizen has a right to concur in the eſtabliſhment of contributions, to watch over the uſe made of them, and to call for a ſtatement of expenditure.
  • XXII. Public aids are a ſacred debt. The Society is obliged to provide for the ſubſiſtence of the unfortunate, either by procuring them work, or by ſecuring the means of exiſtence to thoſe who are unable to labour.
  • [179]XXIII. Inſtruction is the want of all, and the Society ought to favour, with all its power, the progreſs of public reaſon; and to place inſtruction within the reach of every Citizen.
  • XXIV. The ſocial guarantee conſiſts in the actions of all, to ſecure to each the enjoyment and preſervation of his rights. This guarantee reſts on the National Sovereignty.
  • XXV. The ſocial guarantee cannot exiſt, if the limits of public functions are not clearly determined by the law, and if the reſponſibility of all public functionaties is not ſecured.
  • XXVI. The Sovereignty reſides in the people: it is one and indiviſible, impreſcriptible and inalienable.
  • XXVII. No proportion of the people can exerciſe the power of the whole: but each Section of the Sovereign aſſembled ought to enjoy the right of expreſſing its will in perfect liberty. Every individual who arrogates to himſelf the Sovereignty, or who uſurps the exerciſe of it, ought to be put to death by free men.
  • XXVIII. A people have always the right of reviſing, amending, and changing their Conſtitution. One generation cannot ſubject to its law future generations.
  • XXIX. Every Citizen has an equal right of concurring in the formation of the law, and in the nomination of his mandatories or agents.
  • XXX. Public functions cannot be conſidered as diſtinctions or rewards, but as duties.
  • XXXI. Crimes committed by the mandatories of the people and their agents, ought never to remain unpuniſhed. No one has a right to pretend to be more inviolable than other Citizens.
  • XXXII. The right of preſenting petitions to the depoſitories of public authority belongs to every individual. The exerciſe of this right cannot, in any caſe, be forbidden, ſuſpended, or limited.
  • XXXIII. Reſiſtance to oppreſſion is the conſequence of the other rights of man.
  • [180]XXXIV. Oppreſſion is exerciſed againſt the ſocial body, when even one of its members is oppreſſed. Oppreſſion is exerciſed againſt each member, when the ſocial body is oppreſſed.
  • XXXV. When the government violates the rights of the people, inſurrection becomes to the people, and to every portion of the people, the moſt ſacred, and the moſt indiſpenſible of duties.
(To be continued.)

ENGLISH INJUSTICE TO THE FRENCH.

WHEN exulting we tell how our fathers of yore,
Their wrongs and oppreſſions were wont to redreſs,
How firmly they waded through rivers of gore,
And fore'd from proud deſpots thoſe rights we poſſeſs;
When we boaſt of our own revolution and laws,
Yet reprobate men, who have ſpurn'd baſe controul,
We may ſhew an acquaintance with Liberty's cauſe,
But we ſtrongly evince a contraction of ſoul.
We deem ourſelves lodg'd under Liberty's tree,
Where the whole human race might with comfort recline;
We boaſt of the bleſſing—and, Britons, ſhall we
At the joyous approach of our neighbours repine?
Forbid it—ye offspring of men who were tried,
Of men, who unſhackled both body and mind;
Forbid it—and learn, ere ye dare to deride,
That the cauſe of the French is the cauſe of mankind.
How can WE, if our ſires be entitled to praiſe,
For boldly reſiſting unauthoriz'd ſway,
[181]How can we with averſion on Liberty gaze?
How can we be offended if tyrants decay?
Has Jehovah ſelected a new-choſen race,
And on them, and them only, his freedom beſtow'd?
If not—how can Gallic reſiſtance be baſe,
And the fate of a James ſhew the finger of God?
When the orbs of the ſightleſs receive the bright Day,
Shall thoſe who have viſion preſume to complain?
Shall men ſav'd from ſhipwreck with anguiſh ſurvey
Their fellows preſerv'd from the mercileſs main?
How degrading the thought!—yet the ſons of this Iſle,
Who deem themſelves nurtur'd at Liberty's board.
Evince a malignity equally vile,
In wiſhing thy ſhackles, O Gallia! reſtor'd.
When the will of a driv'ler held millions in chains,
Did we pity them?—no—we deſpis'd them as ſlaves;
And now not a trace of debaſement remains,
We brand the brave people as maniacs and knaves!
Thus ſervile or free, we the French have revil'd,
Our own half-form'd ſyſtem we proudly commend;
We boaſt our wiſe laws—though our code is defil'd
With ſtatutes, that tyrants would bluſh to defend.
O ſpurn the mean prejudice, Britons, and ſay,
If our fathers are right, how can Frenchmen be wrong?
The will of oppreſſors both ſcorn'd to obey,
And aſſerted thoſe rights that to mortals belong,
Yet the ſtruggles of theſe are to infamy hurl'd,
While the actions of thoſe we with triumph rehearſe;
But the bright orb of reaſon now peeps on the World,
And the thick clouds of prejudice ſoon ſhall diſperſe:
Yes! ſoon ſhall theſe truths far and wide be convey'd,
'Spite of Pindar's poor prattle, and Burke's raving din,
That the thrones of true kings by the PEOPLE are made,
And when kings become tyrants—ſubmiſſion is ſin!
[182]That the power of oppreſſors can ne'er be of Heaven,
A Being all-juſt—cannot juſtice deſpiſe:
A Being all-juſt—EQUAL RIGHTS muſt have given;
And who robs man of theſe muſt offend the All-wiſe.

[ROMAN HISTORY, continued from Page 122.]

AFTER the expulſion of the Tarquins, Rome was governed by two conſuls, who held their office during the ſpace of a year, at the concluſion of which new ones were choſen, by the ſenate and people. After ſome time, the people found themſelves very much oppreſſed by the patricians; who engroſſed the whole power of the ſtate, and, by various extortions, ſuch as lending them money at exorbitant intereſt, and the like, had got poſſeſſion of all their lands, and often ſeized their perſons, impriſoned, or uſed them as ſlaves, (the laws permitting it in the caſe of the non-payment of their debts) in a barbarous manner. Unable to bear this cruel treatment, a number of them, at the inſtigation of Siſinnius Bellutus, and another Junius Brutus, took an opportunity, when the ſtate had great need of their aſſiſtance, to deſert their generals, and retired to a hill three miles from Rome. In this exigence, a deputation was ſent to them from the ſenate, perſuading them with many fair promiſes, to return. At the head of this deputation were T. Lartius, Menenius Agripah, and M. Valerius, all three in great eſteem, and of whom two had governed the republic, and commanded her armies in quality of dictator. When they were introduced to the camp of the male-contents, and had given an account of their commiſſion, Junius Brutus, perceiving his comrades continued in profound ſilence, and that none of them attempted to make himſelf an advocate in the cauſe, ſtepped forward, and thus addreſſed them:

[183]"One would imagine, fellow-ſoldiers, by this deep ſilence, that you are ſtill awed by that ſervile ſear in which the patricians and your creditors have kept you ſo long. Every man conſults the eyes of the reſt, to diſcover whether there be more reſolution in others than he finds in himſelf; and not one of you has the courage to ſpeak in public that which is the conſtant ſubject of your private converſation. Do you not know that you are free? This camp, theſe arms, do they not convince you that you are no longer under tyrants? And if you could ſtill doubt it, would not this ſtep which the ſenate has taken be ſufficient to ſatisfy you? Thoſe patricians, ſo haughty and imperious, now ſend to court us; they no longer make uſe of proud commands, or cruel threats, they invite us as their fellow-citizens to return into our common city; nay, ſome of our ſovereigns, you ſee, are ſo gracious as to come to our very camp, to offer us a general pardon. Whence then can proceed this obſtinate ſilence, after ſuch ſingular condeſcenſions? If you doubt the ſincerity of their promiſes; if you fear, that under the veil of a few fine words, they conceal your former chains, why do ye not ſpeak? Declare your thoughts freely. Or, if you dare not open your mouths, at leaſt hear a Roman, who has courage enough to fear nothing but the not ſpeaking the truth. [Then turning to Valerius] You invite us to return to Rome, but you do not tell us upon what conditions: Can plebeians, poor, yet free, think of being united with patricians, ſo rich, and ſo ambitious? And even though we ſhould agree to the conditions you have to offer, what ſecurity will the patricians give us for the performance; thoſe haughty patricians, who make it a merit among themſelves to have deceived the people? You talk to us of nothing but pardon and forgiveneſs, as if we were your ſubjects, and ſubjects in rebellion; but that is the point to be diſcuſſed. Is it the people or the ſenate who are in fault? Which of the two orders [184]was it, that firſt violated the laws of ſociety, which ought to reign among the members of the ſame republie? This is the queſtion. In order to judge of this, without prejudice, give me leave barely to relate a certain number of facts, for the truth of which I will appeal to no other but yourſelt and your colleague. Our ſtate was founded by kings, and never was the Roman people more free, and more happy, than under their government. Tarqu [...]n himſelf, the laſt of thoſe princes; Tarquin, ſo [...]ots to the ſenate and the nobility, ſavoured our intereſts as much as he oppoſed yours. Nevertheleſs, to avenge your wrongs, we drove that prince from Rome; we took arms againſt a ſovereign who defended himſelf only with the prayers he made to leave your intereſts, and to return to his obedience. We afterwards cut to pieces the armies of Veil and Tarquinii, which endeavoured to reſtore him to the throne. The formidable power of Porſenna, the famine we underwent during a long ſiege, the fierce aſſaults, the continual battles; were all theſe, or, in ſhort, was any thing capable of ſhaking the faith which we had given you? Thirty Latine cities united to reſtore the Tarquines. What would you have done then, if we had abandoned you, and joined your enemies? What rewards might we not have obtained of Tarquin, while the ſenate and nobles would have been the victims of his reſentment? Who was it that diſperſed this dangerous combination? To whom are you obliged for the defeat of the Latines? Is it not to this people? Is it not to them that you owe that very power which you have ſince turned againſt them? What recompence have we had for the aſſiſtance we lent you? Is the condition of the Roman people one jot the better? Have you aſſociated them in your offices and dignities? Have our poor citizens found ſo much as the ſmalleſt relief in their neceſſities? On the contrary, have not our braveſt ſoldiers, oppreſſed with the weight of uſury, been [185]groaning in the chains of their mercileſs creditors? What has come of all thoſe vain promiſes of aboliſhing, in time of peace, the debts which the great had forced us to contract? Scarce was the war finiſhed, but you alike forgot our ſervices, and your oaths. With what deſigns then do you come hither? Why do you try to reduce this people by the enchantment of your words? Are there any oaths ſo ſolemn as to bind your faith? And, after all, what would you get by an union brought about by artifice, kept up with mutual diſtruſt, and which, at laſt, muſt end in a civil war? Let us, on both ſides, avoid ſuch heavy misfortunes, let us not loſe the happineſs of our ſeparation; ſuffer us to depart from a country where we are loaded with chains, like ſo many ſlaves, and where, being reduced to be only farmers of our own inheritances, we are forced to cultivate them for the profit of our tyrants. So long as we have our ſwords in our hands, we ſhall be able to open ourſelves a way into more fortunate climates; and, wherever the Gods ſhall grant us to live in liberty, there ſhall we ſind our country."

By this, and frequent ſtruggles of this ſort, which the people had made before, they at length attained the eſtabliſhment of the tribuneſhip, which conſiſted of two officers annually choſen out of the order of the plebeians, with authority to prevent the injuſtices that might be done to the people, and to defend their intereſts both public and private. Rome, by this eſtabliſhment, made a great advance towards a new change in the form of her government. It had paſſed before from the monarchic ſtate, to a ſtate of ariſtocracy; for upon the expulſion of Tarquin, the whole authority did really and in fact devolve upon the ſenate and the great: But now, by the creation of the tribunes, a democracy began to take place, and the people, by inſenſible degtees, and under different pretences, got poſſeſſion of the much greater ſhare in the government. A famine which raged at Rome, [186]ſoon after the eſtabliſhment of this office, occaſions great complaints amongſt the people; and a large ſupply of corn being procured from Sicily, by the patricians, Coriolanus, a young ſenator, who had done great ſervices to the ſtate as a general, is for taking advantage of the people's diſtreſs, to get the tribuneſhip aboliſhed, which he propoſes in the ſenate. The tribunes and the people, enraged at this, determined to proſecute Coriolanus, and after much altercation, deſire to be heard by the ſenate, in [...]lation to their charge againſt him; where Decius, one of the tribunes, makes the following ſpeech:

"You know, Conſcript Fathers, that having by our aſſiſtance, expelled Tarquin, and aboliſhed the regal power, you eſtabliſhed in the republic the form of government which is now obſerved in it, and of which we do not complain. But, neither can you be ignorant, that, in all the differences which any poor plebeian had afterwards with wealthy patricians, thoſe plebeians conſtantly loſt their cauſes, their adverſaries being their judges, and all the tribunals being filled with patricians only. This abuſe was what made Valerius Poplicola, that wiſe conſul and excellent citizen, eſtabliſh the law which granted an appeal to the people, from the decrees of the ſenate, and the judgments of the conſuls.

"Such is the law called Valeria, which has always been looked upon as the baſis and foundation of the public liberty. It is to this law that we now fly for redreſs, if you refuſe us the juſtice we demand upon a man, black with the greateſt crime that it is poſſible to commit in a republic. It is not a ſingle plebeian complaining, it is the whole body of the Roman people demanding the coudemnation of a tyrant, who would have deſtroyed his fellow citizens by famine, has violated our magiſtracy, and forcibly repulſed our officers, and the aediles of the commonwealth. Coriolanus is the man we accuſe of having propoſed the [187]abolition of the tribuneſhip, a magiſtracy made ſacred by the moſt ſolemn oaths. What need is there of a ſenatus conſulium to proſecute a criminal like this? Does not every man know, that thoſe particular decrees of the ſenate, are requiſite only in unforeſeen and extraordinary affairs, and for which the laws have as yet made no proviſion? But, in the preſent caſe, where the law is ſo direct, where it expreſsly devotes to the infernal gods thoſe who infringe it, is it not to become an accomplice in the crime to heſitate in the leaſt? Are you not apprehenſive, that theſe affected delays, this obſtruction you throw in the way of our proceedings againſt this criminal, by the pretended neceſſity of a previous decree of the ſenate, will make the people inclined to believe that Coriolanus only ſpoke the ſentiments of you all?

"I know that ſeveral among you complain it was merely by violence we extorted your conſent for the abolition of the debts, and the eſtabliſhment of the tribuneſhip. I will even ſuppoſe that, in the high degree of power to which you had raiſed yourſelves, after the expulſion of Tarquin, it was neither convenient nor honorable for you to yield up part of it in favour of the people; but you have done it, and the whole ſenate is bound by the moſt ſolemn oaths never to undo it. After the eſtabliſhment of thoſe ſacred laws, which render the perſons of the tribunes inviolable, will ye [...], in compliance with the firſt ambitious man that ariſes, attempt to revoke what makes the peace and ſecurity of the ſtate? Certainly you never will; and I dare anſwer for you, ſo long as I behold in this aſſembly thoſe venerable magiſtrates who had ſo great a ſhare in the treaty upon the mons ſacer. Ought you to ſuffer a matter like this to be ſo much as brought into deliberation? Coriolanus is the firſt who, by his ſeditious advice, has endeavoured to break thoſe ſacred bands, which, ſtrengthened by the laws, unite the ſeveral orders of the ſtate. It is he alone who is for deſtroying the tribunitian power, [188]the people's aſſylum the bulwark of our liberty, and the pledge of our re-union. In order to force the people's conſent, in order to perpetrate one crime, he attempted another much greater. He dares, even in a holy place, and in the midſt of the ſenate, propoſe to let the people die of hunger. Cruel and unthinking man, at the ſame time! Did he not conſider, that this people whom he meant to exterminate with ſo much inhumanity, and who are more numerous and powerful than he could wiſh, being reduced to deſpair, would have broken into the houſes, forced open thoſe granaries, and thoſe cellars which conceal ſo much wealth, and would rather have fallen under the power of the patricians, or have totally rooted out that whole order?—Could he imagine, that an enraged populace would have hearkened to any law, but what was dictated by neceſſity and reſentment?

"For, that you may not be unacquainted with the truth, we would not have periſhed by a famine brought upon us by our enemies: but, having called to witneſs the gods, revengers of injuſtice, we would have filled Rome with blood and ſlaughter. Such had been the fatal conſequences of the counſels of that perfidious citizen, if ſome ſenators, who had more love for their country, had not hindered them from taking effect. It is to you, Conſcript Fathets, that we addreſs our juſt complaints. It is to your aid, and to the wiſdom of your decrees, that we have recourſe, to oblige this public enemy to appear before the whole Roman people, and anſwer for his pernicious counſels. It is there, Coriolanus, that thou muſt defend thy former ſentiments, if thou dareſt ſo to do, or excuſe them from proceeding from want of thought. Take my advice; leave thy haughty and tyrannical maxims; make thyſelf leſs; become like us; nay, put on a habit of mourning, ſo ſuitable to thy preſent fortune. Implore the pity of thy fellow-citizens, and perhaps thou mayeſt obtain their favour, and the forgiveneſs of thy fault."

[189]Co [...]iolanus was given up to be tried by the tribunes of the people; by whom he was condemned to perpetual baniſhment.

(To be continued.)

[Continuation of Mr. ERSKINE'S Defence of PAINE, and of The Liberty of the Preſs, from page 175.]

LET then the calumniators of Thomas Paine now attend to his Preface, where, to leave no excuſe for ignorance or miſrepreſentation, he expreſſes himſelf thus:

I have differed from ſome profeſſional gentlemen on the ſubject of proſecutions, and I ſince find they are falling into my opinion, which I will here ſtate as fully, but as conciſely as I can.

I will firſt put a caſe with reſpect to any law, and then compare |it with a government, or with what in England is, or has been, called a Conſtitution.

It would be an act of deſpotiſm, or what in England is called arbitrary power to make a law to prohibit inveſtigating the principles, good or bad, on which ſuch a law, or any other, is founded.

If a law be bad, it is one thing to oppoſe the practice of it, but it is quite a different thing to expoſe its errors, to reaſon on its defects, and to ſhew cauſe why it ſhould be repealed, or why another ought to be ſubſtituted in its place. I have always held it an opinion (making it alſo my practice), that it is better to obey a bad law, making uſe at the ſame time of every argument to ſhew its errors, and procure its repeal, than forcibly to violate it; becauſe the precedent of breaking a bad law might weaken the force, and [190]lead to a diſcretionary violation, of thoſe which are good.

The caſe is the ſame with principles and forms of government, or to what are called conſtitutions and the parts of which they are compoſed.

It is for the good of nations, and not for the emolument or aggrandiſement of particular individuals, that government ought to be eſtabliſhed, and that mankind are at the expence of ſupporting it. The defects of every government and conſtitution, both as to principle and form, muſt, on a parity of reaſoning, be as, open to diſcuſſion as the defects of a law; and it is a duty which every man owes to ſociety to point them out. When thoſe defects, and the means of remedying them are generally ſeen by a nation, that nation will reform its government or its conſtitution in the one caſe, as the government repealed or reformed the law in the other.

Gentlemen, you muſt undoubtedly wiſh to deal with every man who comes before you in judgment, as you would be dealt by yourſelves; and ſurely you will not lay it down as a law to be binding hereafter even upon yourſelves, that if you ſhould publiſh any opinion concerning the exiſting abuſes in your country's government, and point out to the whole public the means of amendment, you are to be acquitted or convicted as any twelve men may happen to agree with you in your opinions. Yet this is preciſely what you are aſked to do to another; it is preciſely the caſe before you. Mr. Paine expreſsly ſays, I obey a law until it is repealed; obedience is not only my principle but my practice, ſince my diſobedience of a law from thinking it bad, might apply to juſtify another man in the diſobedience of a good one; and thus individuals would give the rule for themſelves, and not ſociety, for all.

Gentlemen, you will preſently ſee that the ſame principle pervades the reſt of the work; and I am [191]the more anxious to call your attention to it, however repetition may tire you, becauſe it unfolds the whole principle of my argument: for, if you find a ſentence in the whole book that inveſts any individual, or any number of individuals, or any community ſhort of the whole nation, with a power of changing any part of the law or conſtitution I abandon the cauſe—YES, I freely abandon it, becauſe I will not affront the majeſty of a court of juſtice, by maintaining propoſitions which, even upon the ſurface of them, are falſe.—Mr. Paine, page 162— 186, goes on thus:

When a nation changes its opinion and habits of thinking, it is no longer to be governed as before; but it would not only be wrong, but bad policy, to attempt by force what ought to be accompliſhed by reaſon. Rebellion conſiſts in forcibly oppoſing the general will of a nation, whether by a party or by a government. There ought, therefore, to be, in every nation, a method of occaſionally aſcertaining the ſtate of public opinion with reſpect to government.

There is therefore, no power but the voluntary Will of the People that has a right to act in any matter reſpecting a general Reform; and, by the ſame right that two perſons can confer on ſuch a ſubject, a thouſand may. The object in all ſuch preliminary proceedings is, to find out what the general ſenſe of a nation is, and to be governed by it. If it prefer a bad or defective government to a reform, or chuſe to pay ten times more taxes than there is occaſion for, it has a right ſo to do; and, ſo long as the majority do not impoſe conditions on the minority different to what they impoſe on themſelves, though there may be much error, there is no injuſtice; neither will the error continue long. Reaſon and diſcuſſion will ſoon bring things right, however wrong they may begin. By ſuch a proceſs no tumult is to be apprehended. [192]The poor, in all countries, are naturally both peaceable and grateful in all reforms in which their intereſt and happineſs are included. It is only by neglecting and rejecting them that they become tumultuous.

Gentlenen, theſe are the ſentiments of the Author of the Rights of Man; and, whatever his opinions may be of the defects in our government, it can never change our ſentiments concerning it, if our ſentiments are juſt; and a writing can never be ſeditious in the ſenſe of the Engliſh law, which ſtates that the government leans on the univerſal will for its ſupport.

Gentlemen, this univerſal will is the beſt and ſecureſt title which his Majeſty and his family have to the throne of theſe Kingdoms; and in proportion to the wiſdom of our inſtitutions, the title muſt in common ſenſe become the ſtronger: ſo little idea indeed, have I of any other, that in my place in parliament, not a week ago, I conſidered it as the beſt way of expreſſing my attachment to the conſtitution, as eſtabliſhed at the Revolution, to declare (I believe in the preſence of the Heir Apparent of the Crown, for whom I have the greateſt perſonal zeal) that his Majeſty reigned in England, by choice and conſent, as the magiſtrate of the Engliſh people; not indeed a conſent and choice by perſonal election, like a King of Poland, the worſt of all poſſible conſtitutions; but by the election of a family for great national objects; in defiance of that hereditary right, which only becomes tyranny, in the ſenſe of Mr. Paine, when it claims to inherit a nation, inſtead of governing by their conſent, and continuing for its benefit.

Gentlemen, this ſentiment has the advantage of Mr. Burke's high authority, he ſays with great truth, in a letter to his conſtituents, ‘Too little dependance cannot be had at this time of day on names and prejudices: the eyes of mankind are opened; and communities muſt be held together by a viſible and ſolid [193]intereſt.’ I believe, Gentlemen of the Jury, that the Prince of Wales will always render this title dear to the people. The Attorney General can only tell you what he believes of him; I can tell you what I know, and what I am bound to declare, ſince this Prince may be traduced and calumniated in every part of the Kingdom, without its coming into queſtion, till brought in to load a defence with matter collateral to the charge. I therefore aſſert what the Attorney General can only hope, that, whenever that Prince ſhall ever come to the throne of this Country (which I hope, but by the courſe of nature, will never happen), he will make the Conſtitution of Great Britain the foundation of all his conduct.

Having now, Gentlemen, eſtabliſhed the Author's general intention by his own introduction, which is the beſt and faireſt expoſition, let us next look at the occaſion which gave it birth.

(To be continued.)

THE DISTRESSES OF THE POOR, Exemplified in the LIFE OF A PRIVATE SOLDIER.
From the Citizen of the World. By Dr. Goldſmith.

THE misfortunes of the great, my friend, are held up to engage our attention, are enlarged upon in tones of declamation, and the world is called upon to [195]gaze at the noble ſufferers; they have at once the comfort of admiration and pity.

Yet where is the magnanimity of bearing misfortunes, when the whole world is looking on? Men in ſuch [...]hances can act bravely even from motives of vanity. He only who, in the vale of obſcurity, can [...]ave a ſvertity, who, without friends to encourage, as quaintances to pity, or even without hope to alleviate his diſtreſſes, can behave with tranquility and indiference, is truly great; whether peaſant or courtier, be deſerves admiration, and ſhould be held up for our imitation and reſpect.

The miſeries of the poor are, however, entirely diſregarded, though ſome undergo more real hardſhips in one day than the great in their whole lives. It is indeed inconceivable what difficulties the meaneſt Engliſh ſailor or ſoldier endures without murmuring or regret. Every day to him is a day of miſery, and yet he bears his hard fate without repining.

With what indignation do I hear the heroes of tragedy complain of misfortunes and hardſhips, whoſe greateſt calamity is founded in arrogance and pride. Their ſevereſt diſtreſſes are pleaſures, compared to what many of the adventuring poor every day ſuſtain, without murmuring. Theſe may eat, drink and ſleep, have ſlaves to attend them, and are ſure of ſuſtenence for life, while many of their fellow-creatures are obliged to wander, without a friend to comfort or to aſſiſt them, find enmity in every law, and are too poor to obtain even juſtice.

I have been led into theſe reflections, from accidentally meeting ſome days ago, a poor fellow begging at one of the outlets of the town, with a wooden leg. I was curious to learn what had reduced him to his preſent ſituation; and after giving him what I thought proper, deſired to know the hiſtory of his life and misfortunes, and the manner in which he was reduced to his preſent diſtreſs. The diſabled ſoldier, for ſuch he was, with an intrepidity truly Britiſh, [196]leaning on his crutch, put himſelf into an attitude to comply with my requeſt, and gave me his hiſtory as follows:

'As for misfortunes, Sir, I can't pretend to have gone through more than others. Except the loſs of my limb, and my being obliged to beg, I don't know any reaſon, thank heaven, that I have to complain: there are ſome that have loſe both legs and an eye; but, thank heaven, it is not quite ſo bad with me.

'My father was a labourer in the country, and died when I was five years old; ſo I was put upon the pariſh. As he had been a wandering ſort of a man, the pariſhioners were not able to tell to what pariſh I belonged, or where I was born; ſo they ſent me to another pariſh, and that pariſh ſent me to a third; till at h [...] it was thought I be longed to no pariſh at all. At length, however, they ſixed me. I had ſome diſpoſition to be a ſcholar, and had actually learned my letters; but the maſter of the workhouſe put me to buſineſs, as ſoon as I was able to handle a mallet.

'Here I lived an eaſy kind of a life for five years. I only wrought ten hours in the day, and had my meat and drink provided for my labour. It is true, I was not ſuffered to ſtir far from the houſe, for fear I ſhould run away; but what of that, I had the liberty of the whole houſe, and the yard before the door, and that was enough for me.

'I was next bound out to a farmer, where I was up both early and late, but I eat and drank well, and liked my buſineſs well enough, till he died. Being then obliged to provide for myſelf, I was reſolved to go and ſeek my fortune. Thus I lived and went from town to town, working when I could get employment, and ſtarving when I could get none, and might have lived ſo ſtill; but happening one day to go through a field belonging to a magiſtrate, I ſpy'd a hare croſſing the path juſt before me. I believe the devil put it in my head to fling my ſtick at it: well, what will you have on't? I kill'd the hare, and was [197]bringing it away in triumph, when the juſtice himſelf; met me: he called me a villain, and collering me, deſired I would give an account of myſelf. I began immediately to give a full account of all that I knew of my breed, ſeed and generation: but though I gave a very long account, the juſtice ſaid, I could give no account of myſelf; ſo I was indicted and found guilty of being poor, and ſent to Newgate, in order to be tranſported to the plantations.

'People may ſay this and that of being in jail; but for my part, I found Newgate as agreeable a place as ever I was in, in all my life. I had my belly full to eat and drink, and did no work; but alas, this kind of life was too good to laſt for ever! I was taken out of priſon, after five months, put on board of a ſhip, and ſent off with two hundred more. Our paſſage was but indifferent, for we were all confined in the hold, and died very faſt, for want of ſweet air and proviſions; but for my part, I did not want meat, becauſe I had a fever all the way; providence was kind when proviſions grew ſhort, it took away my deſire of eating. When we came on ſhore, we were ſold to the Planters. I was bound for ſeven years; and as I was no ſcholar, for I had forgot my letters, I was obliged to work among the negroes; and ſerved out my time as in duty bound to do.

'When my time was expired, I worked my paſſage home, and glad I was to ſee Old England again, becauſe I loved my Country. O Liberty, Liberty, Liberty! that is the property of every Engliſhman, and I will die in it's defence: I was afraid, however, that I ſhould be indicted for a vagabond once more, ſo did not much care to go into the country, but kept about town, and did little jobs when I get them. I was very happy in this manner for ſome time, till one evening, coming home from work, two men knocked me down, and then defired me to ſtand ſtill. They belonged to a preſs gang; I was carried before the juſtice, and as I could give no account [198]count of my ſelf (that was the thing that always hobbled me), I had my choice left, whether to go on board a man of war, or liſt for a ſoldier; I choſe to be a ſoldier, and in this part of a gentleman I ſerved two campaigns, was at the battles in Flanders, and received but one wound through the breaſt, which is troubleſome to this day.

'When the peace came on, I was diſcharged; and as I could not work, becauſe my wound was ſometimes painful, I liſted for a landſman in the Eaſt India Company's ſervice. I here fought the French in ſix pitched battles; and verily believe, that if I could read or write, our Captain would have given me promotion, and made me a corporal. But that was not my good fortune, I ſoon fell ſick, and when I became good for nothing, got leave to return home again with forty pounds in my pocket, which I ſaved in the ſervice. This was at the beginning of the preſent war, ſo I hoped to be ſet on ſhore, and to have the pleaſure of ſpending my money; but the government wanted men, and I was preſſed again before ever I could ſet foot on ſhore.

'The boatſwain found me, as he ſaid, an obſtinate fellow: he ſwore that I underſtood my buſineſs perfectly well, but that I pretended ſickneſs merely to be idle: God knows, I knew nothing of ſea buſineſs! He beat me without conſidering what he was about. But ſtill my forty pounds was ſome comfort to me under every beating; the money was my comfort, and the money I might have had to this day, but that our ſhip was taken by the French, and ſo I loſt it all!

'Our crew was carried into a French priſon, and many of them died, becauſe they were not uſed to live in a jaiI; but for my part it was nothing to me, for I was ſeaſoned. One night however, as I was ſleeping on the bed of boards, with a warm blanket about me, (for I always loved to lie well) I was awaked by the boatſwain, who had a dark lanthorn in his [199]hand. Jack, ſays he to me, will you knock out the French centry's brains? I don't care, ſays I, ſtriving to keep myſelf awake, if I lend a hand. Then follow me, ſays he, and I hope we ſhall do buſineſs. So up I got, and tied my blanket, which was all the cloaths. I had, about my middle, and went with him to fight the Frenchmen: we had no arms; but one Engliſhman is able to beat five French at any time; ſo we went down to the door; where both the centries were poſted, and ruſhing upon them, ſeized their arms in a moment, and knocked them down. From thence nine of us ran together to the Quay, and ſeizing the firſt boat we met, got out of the harbour, and put to ſea. We had not been here three days, before we were taken by an Engliſh privateer, who was glad of ſo many good hands, and we conſented to run our chance. However, we had not ſo much luck as we expected. In three days we fell in with a French man of War of forty guns, while we had but twenty-three; ſo to it we went. The fight laſted for three hours, and I verily believe we ſhould have taken the Frenchman, but unfortunately we loſt almoſt all our men, juſt as we were going to get the victory. I was once more in the power of the French, and I believe it would have gone hard with me, had I been brought back to my old jail in Breſt; but by good fortnue we were re-taken, and carried to England once more.

I had almoſt forgot to tell you, that in this laſt engagement I was wounded in two places; I loſt four fingers of the left hand, and my leg was cut off. Had I the good fortune to have loſt my leg and the uſe of my hand on board a king's ſhip, and not a privateer, I ſhould have been entitled to cloathing and maintenance during the reſt of my life, but that was not my chance; one man is born with a ſilver ſpoon in his mouth, and another a wooden ladle. However, bleſſed be God, I enjoy good health, and have no enemy in this [200]world that I know of, but the French and the juſtice of peace.'

Thus ſaying, he limped off, leaving my friend and me in admiration of his intrepidity and content.

ON KINGS.
From Godwin's Enquiry concerning Political Juſtice.

MONARCHY is ſo unnatural an inſtitution, that mankind have at all times ſtrongly ſuſpected it was unfriendly to their happineſs. The power of truth upon important topies is ſuch, that it may rather be ſaid to be obſcured than obliterated; and falſhood has ſcarcely ever been ſo ſucceſsful, as not to have had a ref [...]eſs and powerful antagoniſt in the heart of its votaries. The man who with difficulty earns his ſcanty ſubſiſtence, cannot behold the oſtentatious ſplendor of a king, without being viſited by ſome ſenſe of injuſtice. He inevitably queſtions in his mind the utility of an officer, whoſe ſervices are hired at ſo enormous a price. If he confider the ſubject with any degree of accuracy, he is led to perceive, and that with ſufficient ſurpriſe, that a king is nothing more than a common mortal, exceeded by many, and equalled by more in every requiſite of ſtrength, capacity, and virtue, He feels therefore, that nothing can be more groundleſs and unjuſt, than the ſuppoſing that one ſuch man as this is the fitteſt and moſt competent inſtrument for regulating the affairs of nations.

Theſe reflections are ſo unavoidable, that Kings themſelves have often been aware of the danger to their imaginary happineſs with which they are pregnant. They have ſometimes been alarmed with the progreſs of thinking, and oftener regarded the eaſe and proſperity of their ſubjects as a fource of terror [201]and apprehenſion. They juſtly conſider their functions as a ſort of public exhibition, the ſucceſs of which depends upon the credulity of the ſpectators, and which good ſenſe and courage would ſpeedily bring to a termination. Hence the well known maxims of monarchial government, that eaſe is the parent of rebellion, and that it is neceſſary to keep the people in a ſtate of poverty and endurance, in order to render them ſubmiſſive. Hence it has been the perpetual complaint of deſpotiſm, that "the reſtive knaves are overrun with eaſe, and plenty ever is the nurſe of faction*." Hence it has been the leſſon perpetually read to monarchs: "Render your ſubjects proſperous, and they will ſpeedily refuſe to labour; they will become ſtubborn, proud, unſubmiſſive to the yoke, and ripe for revolt. It is impotence and miſery that alone will render them ſupple, and prevent them from rebelling againſt the dictates of authority."

(To be continued.)

ON THE REBELLION OF PRINCES.
From Faſt-Day Sermons, by the Rev. J. Murray, of Newcaſtle, Author of Sermons to Aſſes.
Printed in the Year 1781.

Iſaiah, 1. xxiii. Thy Princes are rebellions, and Companions of Thieves: every one loveth Gifts, and followeth after Rewards: they judge not the Fatherleſs, neither doth the Cauſe of the Widow come before them.’

PRINCES may be rebellious by joining intereſts and partnerſhip with thieves and diſhoneſt perſons. Theſe are ſuch as take what is not their own, [202]and apply it to their own purpoſes. This is a coarſe compliment to princes, but as it is given by an inſpired Prophet it cannot be taken amiſs.

It is rebellion againſt God and the laws, for rulers to take more than juſtly is due to them, or join intereſts with thoſe who do.

It is alſo diſhoneſt to promote or procure laws, that may make it legal to give them more than the people can afford: this comes under the notion of theft and rebellion, according to the Prophet's idea.

The Princes of Judah and Iſrael went partners with the Sovereign in the plunder of the Nation. They probably voted large ſupplies to the king, becauſe they knew they would receive a ſhare of the revenue, and might promote a law for encreaſing the civil liſt in hopes of ſerving in his Majeſty's houſhold; but this was theft and rebellion againſt juſtice, and the laws of the land.

Thoſe who obey the fundamental laws of government cannot be rebels, though it is manifeſt that legiſlators that make laws contrary to natural juſtice and the law of God may be guilty of rebellion.

Not executing the laws impartially is joined with rebellion, or is rather a part of it. The fatherleſs and the widow were either neglected or made ſeel all the force of penal laws when they were guilty, when thoſe who had influence in a tribe, or could ſerve the ends of adminiſtration, were reſcued from juſtice, when they had committed the moſt capital crimes.

This is by the Prophet accounted the very height of rebellion, and is often committed by princes and their companions.

Thus it is plain, that rebellion is not a crime pecu [...]far to the people only, but is alſo ſometimes to be found at the very ſprings of government.

Some would make us believe that kings and princes cannot be guilty of rebellion, but the ſcripture informs us otherwiſe.

As we are certain from the beſt authority, that even [203]princes may rebel, the queſtion now is, whether they ought to be puniſhed for it like other rebels, and who can lawfully puniſh them? This queſtion requires a little caution, and muſt be determined by ſcripture; and it is hoped that then no Chriſtian will diſſent from the concluſion.

Whether there is any difference between trying Kings and Princes for rebellion, and puniſhing them without trying them, I ſhall leave to the Tories and Cauſuiſts to determine. For there has been more noiſe concerning the trial of King Charles the Firſt, than concerning the puniſhment of all the rebellious princes ſince the Conqueſt.

This Prince is the only martyr we find among the Kings of England, though many of them have ſuffered for their tytanny and rebellion againſt the laws.

The Kings in this country are conſidered as the ſource of the laws, and it is ſuppoſed that if the King could die, that all law would be at an end; for this reaſon the lawyers have made our kings immortal, and laid it down as a firſt principle, that the King cannot die.

It ought to have been ſeriouſly conſidered, before ſuch a myſterious maxim had been laid down as a firſt principle, whether laws or Kings were firſt appointed by the Almighty; for if ever we find laws without Kings, it will appear manifeſt that they are not neceſſary to the being of government, but that laws may continue when there is no monarch.

It is plain, that there was law before we heard any thing of any ruler except God himſelf, from hence it would appear, that the exiſtence of laws does not depend upon any human regal authority, and though that Kings ſhould chance to die, the laws, if juſt, will continue immortal; if they are unjuſt, they ought never to exiſt.

ON THE NATIONAL SIN OF SUFFERING BAD GOVERNMENT.
From A Diſcourſe for the Faſt on April 19th, 1793. Entitled SINS OF THE NATION.

[204]

THE vices of nations may be divided into thoſe which relate to their own internal proceedings, or to their relations with other ſtates. With regard to the firſt, the cauſes for humiliation are various. Many nations are guilty of the crime of permiting oppreſſive laws and bad governments to remain amongſt them, by which the poor are cruſhed, and the lives of the innocent are laid at the mercy of wicked and arbitrary men. This is a national ſin of the deepeſt dye, as it involves in it moſt others. It is painful to reflect how many atrocious governments there are in the world, and how little even they who enjoy good ones, ſeem to underſtand their true nature. We are apt to ſpeak of the happineſs of living under a mild government, as if it were like the happineſs of living under an indulgent climate; and when we thank God for it, we rank it with the bleſſings of the air and of the ſoil; whereas we ought to thank God for the wiſdom and virtue of living under a good government, for a good government is the firſt of national duties. It is indeed a happineſs, and one which demands our moſt grateful thanks, to be born under one which ſpares us the trouble and hazard of changing of it; but a people born under a good government, will probably not die under one, if they conceive of it as of an indolent and paſſive happineſs, to be left for its preſervation, to fortunate conjunctures, and the floating and variable chances of incalculable events; our ſecond duty is to keep it good.

ON CIVIL LIBERTY, AND THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT.

[205]

FROM what has been ſaid it is obvious, that all Civil Government, as far as it can be denominated free, is the creature of the people. It originates with them. It is conducted under their direction; and has in view nothing but their happineſs. All its different forms are no more than ſo many different modes in which they chuſe to direct their affairs, and to ſecure the quiet enjoyment of their rights.—In every free ſtate every man is his own legiſlator. All taxes are free-gifts for public ſervices.—All laws are particular proviſions or regulations eſtabliſhed by COMMON CONSENT for gaining protection and ſafety. — And all Magiſtrates are truſtees or deputies for carrying theſe regulations into execution.

Liberty, therefore, is too imperfectly defined when it is ſaid to be "a Government by LAWS, and not by MEN." If the laws are made by one man, or a junto of men in a ſtate, and not by COMMON CONSENT, a government by them does not differ from ſlavery. In this caſe it would be a contradiction in terms to ſay, that the ſtate governs itſelf.

From hence it is obvious that Civil Liberty, in the moſt perfect degree, can be enjoyed only in ſmall ſtates, where every member is capable of giving his ſuffrage in perſon, and of being choſen into public offices. When a ſtate becomes ſo numerous, or when the different parts of it are removed to ſuch diſtances from one another, as to render this impracticable, a diminution of liberty neceſſarily ariſes. There are, however, in theſe circumſtances, methods by which ſuch near approaches may be made to perfect liberty as ſhall anſwer all the purpoſes of government, and at the ſame time ſecure every right of human nature.

[206]Tho' all the members of a ſtate ſhould not be capable of giving their ſuffrages on public meaſures, individually and perſonally, they may do this by the appointment of ſubſtitutes or repreſentatives. They may entruſt the powers of legiſlation, ſubject to ſuch reſtrictions as they ſhall think neceſſary, with any number of delegates; and whatever can be done by ſuch delegates within the limits of their truſt, may be conſidered as done by the united voice and counſel of the community.—In this method a free government may be eſtabliſhed in the largeſt ſtate; and it is conceivable, that by regulations of this kind, any number of ſtates might be ſubjected to a ſcheme of government, that would exclude the deſolations of war, and produce univerſal peace and order.

Let us think here of what may be practicable in this way with reſpect to Europe in particular.—While it continues divided, as it is at preſent, into a great number of independent kingdoms, whoſe intereſts are continually claſhing, it is impoſſible but that diſputes will often ariſe, which muſt end in war and carnage. It would be no remedy to this evil to make one of theſe ſtates ſupreme over the reſt; and to give it an abſolute plenitude of power to ſuperintend and controul them. This would be to ſubject all the ſtates to the arbitrary diſcretion of one, and to eſtabliſh an ignominious ſlavery, not poſſible to be long endured. It would, therefore, be a remedy worſe than the diſeaſe; nor is it poſſible it ſhould be approved by any mind that has not loſt every idea of civil liberty. On the contrary.—Let every ſtate, with reſpect to all its internal concerns, be continued independent of all the reſt; and let a general confederacy be formed by the appointment of a SENATE, conſiſting of repreſentatives from all the different ſtates. Let this SENATE poſſeſs tbe power of managing all the common concerns of the united ſtates, and of judging and deciding between them, as a common arbiter or umpire, in all diſputes; having, [207]at the ſame time, under its direction, the common force of the ſtates to ſupport its deciſions. In theſe circumſtances, each ſeperate ſtate would be ſecure againſt the interference of foreign power in its private concerns, and, therefore, would poſſeſs liberty; and at the ſame time it would be ſecure againſt all oppreſſion and inſult from every neighbouring ſtate.— Thus might the ſcattered force and abilities of a whole continent be gathered into one point; all litigations ſettled as they roſe; univerſal peace eſtabliſhed; and nation prevented from any more lifting up a ſword againſt nation.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF FRANCE, [Continued from page 180.]

OF THE REPUBLIC.

1. THE French Republic is one and indiviſible.

OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PEOPLE.

2. The French People is diſtributed, for the exerciſe of its ſovereignty, into Primary Aſſemblies of Cantons.

3. It is diſtributed, for adminiſtration and for juſtice, into Departments, Diſtricts and Municipalities.

OF THE STATE OF CITIZENS.

4. Every man born or domiciliated in France, of the age of twenty-one years complete;

Every foreigner of the age of twenty-one years complete, who has been domiciliated in France for one year;

Lives in it by his labour; or acquires a property; [208]or marries a French woman; or adopts a child; or maintains an age [...] [...]erſon; finally, every foreigner, who ſhall be judg [...] by the Legiſlative Body to have deſerved well of humanity;

Is admitted to the exerciſe of the rights of a French citizen.

5. The exerciſe of the rights of a citizen is loſt, by naturalization in a foreign country; [...] [...]he acceptance of functions or favours flowing from a government not popular; by condemnation to puniſhments infamous or afflictive, till recapacitation.

6. The exerciſe of the rights of a Citizen is ſuſpended, by the ſtate of accuſation; by a judgment of contumacy, as long as that judgment is not annulled.

OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.

7. The ſovereign people is the univerſality of French citizens.

8. It nominates directly, its Deputies.

9 It delegates to Electors the choice of Adminiſtrators, of Public Arbitrators, of Criminal Judges, and Judges of Appeal.

10. It deliberates on the laws.

OF THE PRIMARY ASSEMBLIES.

11. The Primary Aſſemblies are compoſed of the Citizens domiciliated for ſix months in each canton.

12. They are compoſed of 200 citizens at the leaſt, and 600 at the moſt called to vote.

13. They are conſtituted by the nomination of a Preſident, Secretaries and Scrutineers.

14. Their police appertains to them.

15. No perſon can appear in them armed.

16. The elections are made by ballot, or open vote, at the option of each voter.

17. A Primary Aſſembly cannot, in any caſe, preſcribe a uniform mode of voting.

18. The Scrutineers aſcertain the votes of citizens, who cannot write and chooſe to vote by ballot.

[209] 19. The ſuffrages upon laws are given by yes or by no.

20. The will of a Primary Aſſembly is proclaimed th [...]? The citizens met in Primary Aſſembly of—, to the number of — votes, vote for, or vote againſt, by a majority of —.

OF THE NATIONAL REPRESENTATION.

21. The population is the ſole baſis of the National Repreſentation.

22. There is one Deputy for every 40,000 individuals.

23. Each re-union of Primary Aſſemblies reſulting from a population of from 39,000 to 41,000 ſouls, nominates directly one Deputy.

24. The nomination is made by the abſolute majority of ſuffrages.

25. Each Aſſembly caſts up the ſuffrages, and ſends a Commiſſioner for the general caſting up to the place pointed out as the moſt central.

26. If the firſt caſting up does not give an abſolute majority, a ſecond vote is proceeded to, and the votes are taken for the two citizens who had the moſt voices.

27. In caſe of equality of voices, the eldeſt has the preference, either to be on the ballot, or elected. in caſe of equality of age, lot decides.

28. Every Frenchman, exerciſing the rights of Citizen, is eligible through the extent of the Republic.

29. Each Deputy belongs to the whole nation.

30. In caſe of the non-acceptance, reſignation, forfeiture or death of a Deputy, he is replaced by the Primary Aſſemblies who nominated him.

31. A Deputy who has given in his reſignation, cannot quit his poſt, but after the admiſſion of his ſucceſſor.

32. The French People aſſemble every year on the [...] of May for the elections.

33. It proceeds in them, whatever be the number of Citizens preſent having a right to vote.

[210] 34. Primary Aſſemblies are formed on extraordinary occaſions, on the demand of a fifth of the Citizens, who have a right to vote in them.

35. The Convocation is made, in this caſe, by the Municipality of the ordinary place of meeting.

36. Theſe extraordinary Aſſemblies do not deliberate but when one more than the half of the citizens, who have a right to vote in them, are preſent.

OF ELECTORAL ASSEMBLIES.

37. The Citizens met, in Primary Aſſemblies, nominate one Elector for every 200 Citizens; preſent or not, two for from 201 to 400, and three for from 401 to 600.

38. The holding of the Electoral Aſſemblies, and the mode of elections, are the ſame as in the Primary Aſſemblies.

OF THE LEGISLATIVE BODY.

39. The Legiſlative Body is one indiviſible and permanent.

40. Its ſeſſion is for a year.

41. It meets the 1ſt. of July.

42. The National Aſſembly cannot be conſtituted, if it do not conſiſt of one more than the half of the Deputies.

43. The Deputies cannot be examined, accuſed, or tried at any time, for the opinions they have delivered in the Legiſlative Body.

44. They may, for a criminal act, be ſeized, enflagrant delite; but a warrant of arreſt, or a warrant ſummoning to appear, cannot be granted againſt them unleſs authoriſed by the Legiſlative Body.

HOLDING OF THE SITTINGS OF THE LEGISLATIVE BODY.

45. The Sittings of the National Aſſembly are public.

46. The minutes of its ſittings are printed.

[211] 47. It cannot deliberate, if it be not compoſed of 200 members at leaſt.

48. It cannot refuſe to hear its members ſpeak in the order in which they have demanded to be heard.

49. It deliberates by the majority of the members preſent.

50. Fifty members have a right to require the appeal nominal.

51. It has the right of cenſure on the conduct of its members in its boſom.

52. The police appertains to it in the place of its ſittings, and in the external circuit which it has determined.

OF THE FUNCTIONS OF THE LEGISLATIVE BODY.

53. The Legiſlative Body propoſes laws and paſſes decrees.

54. Under the general name of laws are comprehended the acts of the Legiſlative Body concerning the Legiſlation civil and criminal; the general adminiſtration of the revenues, and of the ordinary expences of the Republic; the national domains; the title, the weight, the impreſſion, and the denomination of money; the nature, the amount, and the collection of contributions; the declaration of war; every new general diſtribution of the French territory; the public inſtruction; the public honours to the memory of great men.

55. Under the particular name of Decrees, are included the acts of the Legiſlative Body, concerning the annual eſtabliſhment of the land and ſea forces; the permiſſion or the prohibition of the paſſage of foreign troops through the French territory; the introduction of foreign naval forces into the ports of the Republic; the meaſures of general ſafety and tranquillity; the annual and momentary diſtribution of public ſuccours and works, the orders for the fabrication of money of every kind; the unforeſeen and extraordinary [212]expences; the meaſures local and particular to an adminiſtration, a commune, or any kind of public works; the defence of the territory; the ratification of treaties; the nomination and the removal of commanders in chief of armies; the proſecution of the reſponſibility of Members of the Council, and the public fu [...]onaries; the accuſation of perſons charged with plots againſt the general ſafety of the Republic; all change in the partial diſtribution of the French territory; National recompences.

O [...] THE FORMATION OF THE LAW.

56. The plans of law are preceded by a report.

57. The diſcuſſion cannot be opened, and the law cannot be proviſionally reſolved upon till 15 days after the report.

58. The plan is printed and ſent to all the Comm [...]s of the Republic, under this [...]e: Law propoſed.

59. Forty days after the ſending of the law propoſed, if in more than one half of the Departments, the renth of the Primary Aſſemblies of each, have not objected to it, the plan is accepted and becomes law.

60. If there be an objection, the Legiſlative Body convokes the Primary Aſſemblies.

OF THE ENTITLING OF LAWS AND DECREES.

61. Laws, decrees, judgments, and all public acts are entitled: In the name of the French People, the— year of the French Republic.

(To be continued.)

POPULAR ASSEMBLIES UNDERSTAND ONLY THEIR OWN INTERESTS.
From Harrington's Oceana.

A Popular Aſſembly has no mean, but is either the wiſeſt in nature, or has no brains at all. When affairs go upon no other than the public intereſt [213]this having no other intereſt to follow, nor eyes to ſee withal, is the wiſeſt council: but ſuch ways are deſtructive to a prince, and they will have no nay. The congregation of Iſrael, when REHOBOAM would not hearken to their advice, depoſed him: and we know what popular councils, ſo ſoon as they came to ſufficient power, did in England. If a prince put a popular council from this ward, he does a great matter, and to little purpoſe; for they underſtand nothing elſe but themſelves. Wherefore the Kings of France and of Spain have diſſolved all ſuch aſſemblies. It is true, where a prince is not ſtrong enough to get money out of them but by their conſent, they are neceſſary; yet then they are not purely of advice and diſpatch, but ſhare in the government, and he cannot be meddling with their purſes, but they will be meddling with his laws. The Senate is of ſieter uſe for a prince; and yet, except he has the way of TIBERIUS, but a tickliſh piece, as appears by MAXIMINUS, who was deſtroyed by PUPIENUS and BALBINUS, captains ſet up againſt him by this order. To go to the root: Theſe things are not otherwiſe in prudence or choice than by direction of the balance; where this is popular, no remedy but the prince muſt be adviſed by the people, which if the late king would have endured, the monarchy might have ſubſiſted ſomewhat longer: but while the balance was Ariſtocratical, as during the great eſtates of the nobility and the clergy, we find not the people to have been great or wiſe counſellors. In ſum, if a king governs by a popular council, or a houſe of commons, the throne will not ſtand long: if he governs by a ſenate, or a houſe of lords, let him never fear the throne, but have a care of himſelf: there is no third, as I have ſaid often enough, but the Divan.

ON RELIGION.
MORNING CHRONICLE, Nov. 29, 1793.

[214]

A Few days after the Biſhop of Paris and his Vicars had ſet the example of renouncing their clerical character, a Cure from a village on the Banks of the Rhone, followed by ſome of his pariſhioners, with an offering of gold and ſilver ſaints, chalices, rich veſtments, &c. preſented himſelf at the Bar of the National Convention. The ſight of the gold put the Convention in a very good humour, and the Cur [...], a thin venerable looking man, with grey hairs, was ordered to ſpeak. I come, ſaid he, from the village of —, where the only good building ſtanding (for the Chateau has been pulled down), is a very fine church; my pariſhioners beg you will take it to make an hoſpital for the ſick and wounded of both parties, they being both equally our countrymen; the gold and ſilver, part of which we have brought you, they entreat you will devote to the ſervice of the ſtate, and that you will caſt the bells into cannon, to drive away its foreign invaders; for myſelf, I am come with great pleaſure to reſign my letters of ordination, of induction, and every deed and title, by which I have been conſtituted a member of your eccleſiaſtical polity. Here are the papers, you may burn them, if you pleaſe, in the ſame fire with the genealogical trees and patents of the nobility. I deſire likewiſe, that you will diſcontinue my ſalary. I am ſtill able to ſupport myſelf with the labour of my hands, and I beg you to believe, that I never felt ſincerer joy than I now do in making this renunciation. I have longed to ſee this day, I ſee it, and am glad.

When the old man had done ſpeaking, the applauſe; were immoderate. You are an honeſt man, ſaid they, all at once; a brave fellow; and the Preſident advanced to give him the fraternal embrace. [215]The Curé did not ſeem greatly elated with theſe tokens of approbation, and thus reſumed his diſcourſe:—"Before you applaud my ſentiments, it is fit you ſhould underſtand them; perhaps, they may not entirely coincide with your own. I rejoice in this day, not becauſe I wiſh to ſee religion degraded, but becauſe I wiſh to ſee it exalted and puriſied. By diſſolving its alliance with the ſtate, you have given it dignity and independence. You have done it a piece of ſervice, which [...]s well-wiſhers would perhaps never have had courage to render it, but which is the only thing wanted to make it appear in its genuine beauty and luſtre. Nobody will now ſay of me when I am performing the offices of my religion, it is his trade, he is paid for telling the people ſuch and ſuch things, he is hired to keep up an uſeful piece of mummery. They cannot now ſay this, and therefore I feel myſelf raiſed in my own eſteem, and ſhall ſpeak to them with a confidence and frankneſs, which before this I never durſt venture to aſſume. We reſign without reluctance our gold and ſilver images, and embroidered veſtments, becauſe we have never found that looking upon gold and ſilver made the heart more pure, or the affections more heavenly: we can alſo ſpare our churches, for the heart that wiſhes to lift itſelf up to GOD will never be at a loſs for room to do it in; but we cannot ſpare oar religion, becauſe, to tell you the truth, we never had ſo much occaſion for it. I underſtand that you accuſe us prieſts of having told the people a great many falſhoods. I ſuſpect this may have been the caſe, but till this day we have never been allowed to enquire whether the things which we taught them were true or not. You required us formerly to receive them all without proof, and you now would have us reject them all without diſcrimination; neither of theſe modes of conduct become philoſophers, ſuch as you would be thought to be. I am going to employ myſelf diligently along with my pariſhioners, to ſift [216]the wheat from the bran, the true from the falſe; if we are not ſucceſsful, we ſhall be at leaſt ſincere. [...] fear, indeed, that while I wore theſe veſtments which we have brought you, and ſpoke in that large gloomy building which we have given up to you, I told my poor flock a great many idle ſtories. I cannot but hope, however, that the errors we have fallen into have not been very material, ſince the village has in general been ſober and good, the peaſants are honeſt, decile, and laborious, the huſbands love their wives, and the wives their huſbands; they are fortunately not too rich to be compaſſionate, and they have conſtantly relieved the ſick and fugitives of all parties whenever it has lain in their way. I think therefore what I have taught cannot be ſo very much amiſs. You want to extirpate pri [...]ſts: but will you hinder the ignorant from applying for inſtruction, the unhappy for comfort and hope, the unlearned from looking up to the learned? If you do not, you will have prieſts, by whatever name you may order them to be called; but it is certa [...]ly not neceſſary they ſhould wear a particular dreſs, or be appointed by ſtare letters of ordination. My letters of ordination are my zeal, my charity, my ardent love for my dear children of the village, if I were more learned I would add my knowledge, but alas! we all know very little; to man every error is pardonable but want of humility. We have a public walk, with a ſpreading elm-tree at one end of it, and a circle of green round it, with a convenient bench. Here I ſhall get together the children as they are playing around me. I ſhall point to the vines laden with fruit, to the orchards, to the herds or cattle lowing around us, to thoſe diſtant hills ſtretching one behind another, and they will aſk me, how came all theſe things? I ſhall tell them all I know or have heard from wiſe men who have lived before me; they will be penetrated with love and veneration; they will kneel, I ſhall kneel with them; they will be at my [217]feet, but all of us at the feet of that Good Being, whom we ſhall worſhip together, and thus they will receive within their tender minds a religion. The old men will come ſometimes from having depoſited under the green ſod one of their companions, and place themſelves by my ſide; they will look wiſhfully at the turf, and anxiouſly enquire—is he gone for ever? ſhall we ſoon be like him? will no morning break over the tomb?—When the wicked ceaſe from troubling, will the good ceaſe from doing good? We will talk of thoſe things: I will comfort them. I will tell them of the goodneſs of God; I will ſpeak to them of a life to come; I will bid them hope for a ſtate of retribution. In a clear night, when the ſtars ſlide over our heads, they will aſk what thoſe bright bodies are, and by what rules they riſe and ſet?—and we will converſe about different forms of being, and diſtant worlds in the immenſity of ſpace governed by the ſame laws, till we feel our minds raiſed from what is groveling, and refined from what is ſordid. You talk of Nature, this is Nature; and if you could at this moment extinguiſh religion in the minds of all the world, thus would it be rekindled again, and thus again excite the curioſity and intereſt the feelings of mankind. You have changed our holidays; you have an undoubted right, as our civil governors, ſo to do; it is very immaterial whether they are kept once in ſeven days, or once in ten; ſome however, you will leave us, and when they occur, I ſhall tell thoſe who chuſe to hear me, of the beauty and utility of virtue, of the dignity of right conduct. We ſhall talk of good men who have lived in the world, and of the doctrines they taught; and if any of them have been perſecuted and put to death for their virtue, we ſhall reverence their memories the more.—I hope in all this there is no harm. There is a book out of which I have ſometimes taught my people; it ſays we are to love thoſe who do us hurt, and to poor oil and wine into the wounds of the ſtranger. It has [218]enabled my children to bear patiently the ſpoiling of their goods, and to give up their own intereſt for the general walfare: I think it cannot be a very bad book. I wiſh more of it had been read in your town, perhaps you would not have had quite ſo many aſſaſſinations and maſſacres. In this book we hear of a perſon called JESUS; ſome worſhip him as a God; others, as I am told, ſay to it is wrong to do ſo;—ſome teach that he exiſted before the beginning of ages; others, that he was born of JOSEPH and MARY. I cannot tell whether theſe controverſies will ever be decided; but, in the mean time, I think we cannot do otherwiſe than well to imitate him, for I learn that he loved the poor, and went about doing good.

Fellow-Citizens; as I travelled hither from my own Village, I ſaw peaſants ſitting amongſt the ſmoking ruins of their cottages; rich men and women reduced to deplorable poverty; Fathers lamenting their children in the bloom and pride of youth; and I ſaid to myſelf, theſe people cannot afford to part with their religion. But indeed you cannot take it away; if, contrary to your firſt declaration, you chuſe to try the experiment of perſecuting it, you will only make us prize it more, and love it better. Religion, true of falſe, is ſo neceſſary to the mind of man, that even you have already begun to make yourſelves a new one. You are ſowing the ſeeds of ſuperſtition at the moment you fancy you are deſtroying ſuperſtition. Let every one chufe the religion that pleaſes him; I and my pariſhioners are content with ours, it teaches us to bear without deſpondency whatever evils may befal us.

ON KINGS.
From Godwin's Enquiry concerning Political Juſtice.

[219]

[Continued from page 201.]

LET us proceed to conſider the moral effects which the inſtitution of monarchical government is [...]tleulated to produce upon the inhabitants of the countries in which it flouriſhes. And here it muſt be laid [...]wn as a firſt principle, that monarchy is founded in imp [...]ture. It is falſe that kings are entitled to the e [...]nee they obtain. They poſſeſs no intrinſic ſuperiority over their ſubjects. The line of diſtinction that is drawn is the offspring of pretence, an indirect means employed for effecting certain purpoſes, and not the offspring of truth. It tramples upon the genuine nature of things, and depends for its ſupport upon this argument, "that, were it not for impoſitions of a ſimilar nature, mankind would be miſerable."

Secondly, it is falſe that kings can diſcharge the duties of royalty. They pretend to ſuperintend the affairs of millions, and they are neceſſarily unacquainted with theſe affairs. The ſenſes of kings are conſtructed like thoſe of other men, they can neither ſee nor hear what is tranſacted in their abſence. They pretend to adminiſter the affairs of millions, and they poſſeſs no ſuch ſupernatural powers as ſhould enable them to act at a diſtance. They are nothing of what they would perſuade us to believe them. The king is often ignorant of that of which half the inhabitants of his dominions are informed. His prerogatives are adminiſtered by others, and THE LOWEST CLERK IN OFFICE IS FREQUENTLY TO THIS AND THAT INDIVIDUAL MORE EFFECTUALLY THE SOVEREIGN THAN THE KING HIMSELF. He knows nothing of what is ſolemnly tranſacted in his name.

To conduct this impoſture with ſucceſs it is neceſſary to bring over to its party our eyes and our ears. [220]Accordingly kings are always exhibited with all the ſplendour of ornament, attendance and equipage. They live amidſt a ſumptuouſneſs of expence; and this not merely to gratify their appetites, but as a neceſſary inſtrument of policy. The moſt fatal opinion that could lay hold upon the minds of their ſubjects is, that kings are but men. Accordingly they are carefully withdrawn from the profaneneſs of vulgar inſpection; and, when they are exhibited, it is with every artifice that may dazzle our ſenſe and miſlead out judgment.

The impoſture does not ſtop with our eyes, but addreſſes itſelf to our ears. Hence the inflated ſtile of regal formality. The NAME OF KING every where o [...]des it [...]lf upon us. It would ſeem as if every thing in the country, the lands, the houſes, the furniture and the inhabitants were his property. Our eſtates are the king's dominions. Our bodies and minds are his ſubjects. Our repreſentatives are his parliament. Our courts of law are his deputies. All [...]giſtrates throughout the realm are the king's officers. His name occupies the formoſt place in all ſtatutes and decrees. He is the proſecutor of every criminal. He is "Our Sovereign Lord the King." Were it poſſible that he ſhould die, "the fountain of our blood, the means by which we live," would be gone: every political function would be ſuſpended. It is therefore one of the fundamental principles of monarchical government that "the king cannot die." Our moral principles accommodate themſelves to our veracity: and accordingly the ſum of our political duties (the moſt important of all duties) is loyalty; to be true and faithful to the king; to honour a man whom it may be we ought to deſpiſe: and to obey; that is, to acknowledge no immutable criterion of juſtice and injuſtice.

(To be continued.)

KINGS ARE GREAT BLESSINGS!

[221]
SOON as a Monarch mounts a throne,
His uſefulneſs is clearly known,
As thouſands can declare;
The kingly trade he undertakes,
And MANY a little monarch makes,
The government to ſhare.
And now in all the toils of ſtate,
He thinks and labours—early—late;
And with an anxious mind!
He preſſes on from care to care,
The people's burthens heavy bear,
Upon his gracious mind!
He leaves the diſſipated crew;
Routs, feaſts, and ſporting to purſue—
The Follies of the Day:
Far greater thoughts his heart engage,
Than concerts—hunting—or the ſtage;
As wiſe Duguet doth ſay.
The law he next ſurveys, and ſees
That acts and deeds, and ſuits and fees
May not the poor oppreſs;
Hence judges ſo UPRIGHT we ſee,
And juries HONEST, wiſe, and FREE;
Their pureſt thoughts expreſs.
Anon the Church his care demands,
The holy troop with gowns and bands,
He ſuffers none FOR HIRE!
To feed and guide the poor and blind,
To raiſe and cultivate the mind,
Of each he doth require.
Thus Kings are rais'd to bleſs a land,
And Church and State go hand in hand,
The bleſſing to enſure;
Upon men's backs the Junto rides;
So ſoft they ſit upon their hides,
'Tis pleaſant to endure!

ON THE HORRORS OF WAR.

[222]

IT is wonderful, with what coolneſs and indifference the greater part of mankind ſee war commenced. Thoſe who hear of it at a diſtance, or read of it in books, but have never preſented its evils to their minds, conſider it as little more than a ſplendid game, a proclamation, an army, a battle, and a triumph. Some indeed muſt periſh in the moſt ſucceſsful field, but they die upon the bed of honour, reſign their lives awidſt the joys of conqueſt, and, filled with England's glory, ſmile in death.

The life of a modern ſoldier is ill repreſented by heroic fiction. War has means of deſtruction more formidable than the cannon and the ſword. Of the thouſands and ten thouſands who periſhed in our late conteſts with France and Spain, a very ſmall part ever felt the ſtroke of an enemy; the reſt languiſhed in tents and ſhips, amidſt damps and putrefaction, pale, torpid, ſpiritleſs, and helpleſs; gaſping and groaning, unpitied among men, made obdurate by a long continuance of hopeleſs miſery; and were at laſt whelmed in pits, or heaved into the ocean, without notice, and without remembrance. By incommodious encampments, and unwholeſome ſtations, where courage is uſeleſs, and enterprize impracticable, fleets are ſilently diſpeopled, and armies ſluggiſhly melted away.

Thus is a people gradually exhauſted, for the moſt part with little effect. The wars of civilized nations make very ſlow changes in the ſyſtem of empire. The public perceives ſcarcely any alteration but an encreaſe of debt; and the few individuals who are benefited, are not ſuppoſed to have the cleareſt right to their advantages. If he who ſhared the danger enjoyed the profit, and after bleeding in the battle grew rich by the victory, he might ſhew his gains without [223]envy. But at the concluſion of a ten years war, how are we recompenced for the death of multitudes, and the expence of millions, but by contemplating the ſudden glories of paymaſters and agents, contractors and commiſſuries, whoſe equipages ſhine like meteors, and whoſe palaces riſe like exhalations.

Theſe are the men who, without virtue, labour, or hazard, are growing rich as their country is impoveriſhed; they rejoice when obſtinacy or ambition add; another year to ſlaughter and devaſtation; and laugh from their deſks at bravery and ſcience, while they are adding figure to figure, and cipher to cipher, hoping for a new contract from a new armament, and computing the profits of a ſiege or a tempeſt.

[Continuation of Mr. ERSKINE's Defence of PAINE; and of The Liberty of the Preſs, from page 193.]

THE Attorney General, throughout the whole courſe of his addreſs to you (I knew it would be ſo), has avoided the moſt diſtant notice or hint of any circumſtance having led to the appearance of the Author in the political world, after a ſilence of ſo many years; he has not even pronounced or even glanced at the name of Mr. Burke, but has left you to take it for granted, that the Defendant volunteered this delicate and momentous ſubject; and that without being led to it by the provocation of political controverſy, he had ſeized a favourable moment to ſtigmatize, from mere malice, and againſt his own confirmed opinions, the conſtitution of this country.

Gentlemen, my learned friend knows too well my reſpect and value for him to ſuppoſe that I am charging him with a wilful ſuppreſſion; I know him to be incapable of it; he knew it would come from me. He will permit me, however, to lament that it ſhould be [224]left for me, at this late period of the cauſe, to inform you, that, not only the Work before you, but the Firſt Part, of which it is a natural continuation, were written avowedly, and upon the face of them, IN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE. They were written beſides under circumiſtances which I ſhall hereafter explain, and in the courſe of which explanation I may have occaſion to cite a few paſſages from the Works of that celebrated perſon. And I ſhall ſpeak of him with the higheſt reſpect; for, with whatever contempt he may delight to look down upon my hamble talents, however he may diſparage the principles which direct my public conduct, he ſhall never force me to forget the regard which this country owes to him for the Writings which he has left upon record for the illumination of our moſt diſtant poſterity. After the gratitude which we owe to God for the divine gifts of reaſon and underſtanding, our next thanks are due to thoſe, from the fountain of whoſe enlightened minds they are fed and fructified. But pleading, as I do, the cauſe of freedom of opinions, I ſhall not give offence by remarking, that this great Author has been thought to have changed ſome of his; and, if Thomas Paine had not thought ſo, I ſhould not now be addreſſing you, becauſe the Book, which is my ſubject, would never have been written. Who is right and who is wrong, in the contention of doctrines, I have repeatedly diſclaimed to be the queſtion; I can only ſay, that Mr. Paine may be right throughout, but that Mr. Burke cannot—Mr. Paine has been uniform in his opinions, but Mr. Burke has not—Mr. Burke can only be right in part; but, ſhould Mr. Paine be even miſtaken in the whole, ſtill I am not removed from the principle of his defence. My defence has nothing to do with either the concealment or rectitude of his doctrines. I admit Mr. Paine to be a Republican; you ſhall ſoon ſee what made him one—I do not ſeek to ſhade or qualify his attack upon our conſtitution; [225]I put my defence on no ſuch matter—he undoubtedly means to declare it to be defective in its forms, and contaminated with abuſes, which in his judgment, will one day or other bring on the ruin of us all: it is in vain to mince the matter; this is the ſcope of his Work. But ſtill, if it contains no attack upon the King's majeſty, nor upon any other living magiſtrate; if it excites to no reſiſtance to magiſtracy; but, on the contrary, if it even inculeates, as it does, obedience to government, then, wherever may be its defects, the queſtion continues as before, and ever muſt remain an unmixed queſtion of THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. I therefore conſider it as no breach of profeſſional duty, nor injurious to the cauſe I am defending, to expreſs my own admiration of the real principles of our conſtitation— a conſtitution which I hope never to ſee give way to any other—a conſtitution which has been productive of various benefits, and which will produce many more hereafter, if we have wiſdom enough to pluck up thoſe weeds that grow in the richeſt ſoils, and among the brighteſt flowers. I agree with the merchants of London, that the Engliſh government is equal to the reformation of its own abuſes; and, as an inhabitant of the city, I would have ſigned their declaration, if I had known, of my own knowledge, the facts recited in its preamble. But abuſes the Engliſh conſtitution unqueſtionably has which call loudly for reformation, the exiſtence of which has been the theme of our greateſt ſtateſmen, which have too plainly formed the principles of the Defendant, and created the very conjecture which produced this Book.

Gentlemen, we all but too well remember the calamitous ſituation in which our country ſtood but a few years ago—a ſituation which no man can look back upon without horror, nor feel himfelf ſafe from relapſing into it again, while the cauſes remain which produced it. The event I allude to, you muſt know to be the American war, and the ſtill [226]exiſting cauſes of it, the corroption of this Government. In thoſe days it was not thought virtue by the Patriots of England to conceal their exiſtence from the people; but them, as now, authority condemned them as diſaffected ſubjects, and deſeated. the end [...] they ſought by their promulgation.

Hear the opinion of Sir George Saville;—not his ſpeculative opinion concerning the ſtructure of car government in the abſtract, but his opinion of the ſettled abuſes which prevailed in his own time, and which continue at this moment. But firſt let me remind you who Sir George Saville was—I fear we ſ [...]all hardly look upon his like again—How ſhall I [...]ſcri [...] him to you?—In my own words I cannot. I was lately commended by Mr. Burke, in the Houſe of Commons, for ſtrongthening my own language by an appeal to Dr. Johnſon. Were the honourable gentleman preſent at this moment, he would no doubt doubly applaud my choice in reſorting to his own Works for the deſcription of Sir George Saville:

‘His fortune is among the largeſt; a fortune, which, wholly unincumbered as it is, without one ſingle charge from luxury, vanity, or exceſs, ſinks under the benevolence of its diſpenſer. This private benevolence, expending itſelf into patriotiſm, renders his whole being the eſtate of the public, in which he has not reſerved a peculium for himſelf of profit, diverſion or relaxation. During the ſeſſion, the firſt in, and the laſt out of the Houſe of Commons; he paſſes from the ſenate to the camp; and, ſeldom ſeeing the ſeat of his anceſtors, he is always in parliament to ſerve his country, or in the field to defend it.’

It is impoſſible to aſcribe to ſuch a character any principal but patriotiſm, when he expreſſes himſelf as follows:

I return to you baffled and diſpirited, and I am ſorry that truth obliges me to add, with hardly a ray of hope of ſeeing any change in the miſerable [227]courſe of public calamities. On this melancholy d [...] of account, in rence [...]ing up to you my truſt, I deliver to you your ſhare of a country maimed and weakened; [...] treaſure laviſhed and miſpent; its honours faded; and its conduct the laughing-ſtock of Europe: our nation in a manner without allies or friends, except ſuch as we have hired to deſtroy [...]r follow-ſubjects, and to ravage a country, in which we once claimed an invaluable ſhare. I return to you ſome of your principal privileges impeached and mangled. And, laſtly, I leave you, as I conceive, at this hour and moment fully, effectually, and abſolutely, under the diſcretion and power of a military force, which is to act without waiting for the authority of the civil magiſtrates.

Some have been accuſed of exaggerating the public misfortunes, nay, of having endeavoured to help forward the miſchief, that they might afterwards raiſe diſcontents. I am willing to hope, that neither my temper, nor my ſi [...]ation in life, will be thought naturally to urge me to promote miſery, diſcord, or confuſion, or to exult in the ſubverſion of order, or in the ruin of property. I have no reaſon to contemplate with pleaſure the poverty of our country, the increaſe of our debts, and of our taxes; or the decay of our commerce.—Truſt not, however, to my report: reflect, compare, and judge for yourſelves.

But, under all theſe diſheartening circumſtances, I could yet entertain a chearful hope, and undertake again the commiſſion with alacrity, as well as zeal, if I could ſee any effectual ſteps taken to remove the original cauſe of the miſchief.— Then would there be a hope?

But, till the purity of the conſtituent body, and thereby that of the repreſentation be reſtored, there is NONE.

I gladly embrace this moſt public opportunity of delivering my ſentiments, not only to all my [228]conſtituents, but to thoſe likewiſe not my conſtituents, whom yet, in the large ſenſe, I repreſent, and am faithfully to ſerve.

I look upon reſtoring election and repreſentation in ſome degree (for I expect no miracles) to their original purity, to be that without which all other efforts will be vain and ridiculous.

If ſomething be not done, you may, indeed, retain the outward form of your Conſtitution, but not the power thereof.

(To be continued.)

ON THE AUTHORITY OF ONE COUNTRY OVER ANOTHER.

FROM the nature and principles of Civil Liberty, it is an immediate and neceſſary inference that no one community can have any power over the property or legiſlation of another community, that is not incorporated with it by a juſt and adequate repreſentation.—Then only, is a ſtate free, when it is governed by its own will. But a country that is ſubject to the legiſlature of another country, in which it has no voice, and over which it has no controul, cannot be ſaid to be governed by its own will. Such a country, therefore, is in a ſtate of ſlavery. And it deſerves to be particularly conſidered, that ſuch a ſlavery is worſe, on ſeveral accounts, than any ſlavery of private men to one another, or of kingdoms to deſpots within themſelves.—Between one ſtate and another, there is none of that fellow-feeling that takes place between perſons in private life. Being detached bodies that never ſee one another, and reſiding perhaps in different quarters of the globe, the [229]ſtate that governs cannot be a witneſs to the ſufferings occaſioned by its oppreſſions; or a competent judge of the circumſtances and abilities of the people who are governed. They muſt alſo have, in a great degree, ſeparate intereſts; and the more the one is loaded, the more the other may be caſed. The infamy likewiſe of oppreſſion, being in ſuch circumſtances ſhared among a multitude, is not likely to be much felt or regarded. On all theſe accounts there is in the cafe of one country ſubjugated to another, little or nothing to check rapacity; and the moſt flagrant injuſtice and cruelty may be practiſed without remorſe or pity. I will add, that it is particularly difficult to ſhake off a tyranny of this kind. A ſingle deſpot, if a people are unanimous and reſolute, may be ſoon ſubdued. But a deſpotic ſtate is not eaſily ſubdued; and a people ſubject to it cannot emancipate themſelves without entering into a dreadful, and, perhaps, very unequal conteſt.

I cannot help obſerving farther, that the ſlavery of a people to external deſpots may be qualified and limited; but I don't ſee what can limit the authority of one ſtate over another. The exerciſe of power in this caſe can have no other meaſure than diſcretion; and, therefore, muſt be indefinite and abſolute.

Once more. It ſhould be conſidered that the government of one country by another, can only be ſupported by a military force; and, without ſuch a ſupport, muſt be deſtitute of all weight and efficiency.

A LESSON FOR DARING PUBLISHERS.

The PROPRIETORS of the MORNING CHRONICLE were proſecuted, and tried the 9th of December, 1793, for publiſhing in their Paper the following ADDRESS, and the Jury, after a conſcientious No. XX.

[230]Struggle of Fifteen Hours! returned a Verdict of NOT GUILTY. It is therefore inſerted in this Publication as a Specimen of what the FREEBORN SONS OF OLD ENGLAND may no longer publiſh with Safety.

THE DERBY ADDRESS.
At a Meeting of the Society for Political Information, held at the Talbot Inn, in Derby, July 16th, 1792, the following Addreſs, declaratory of their Principles, &c. was unanimouſly agreed to, and ordered to be printed:
To the Friends of Free Enquiry, and the General Good.

FELLOW CITIZENS,

CLAIMING it as our indefeaſible right to aſſociate together, in a peaceable and friendly manner, for the communication of thoughts, the formation of opinions, and to promote the general happineſs, we think it unneceſſary to offer any apology for inviting you to join us in this manly and benevolent purſuit; the neceſſity of the inhabitants of every community endeavouring to procure a true knowledge of their rights, their duties, and their Intereſts, will not be denied, except by thoſe who are the ſlaves of prejudice, or the intereſted in the continuation of abuſes. As men who wiſh to aſpire to the title of Freemen, we totally deny the wiſdom and the humanity of the advice— to approach the defects of government with "pious awe and trembling ſolicitude." What better doctrine could the Pope, or the Tyrants of Europe deſire? We think, therefore, that the cauſe of truth and juſtice can never be hurt by temperate and honeſt diſcuſſions, and that cauſe which will not bear ſuch a ſcrutiny, muſt be ſyſtematically or practically bad. We are ſenſible that thoſe who are not friends to the general [231]good, have attempted to inflame the public mind with the cry of "Danger," whenever men have aſſociated for diſcuſſing the principles of government; and we have little doubt but ſuch conduct will be purſued in this place; we would therefore caution every honeſt man, who has really the welfare of the nation at heart, to avoid being led away by the proſtituted clamours of thoſe who live on the ſources of corruption. We pity the fears of the timorous, and we are totally unconcerned reſpecting the falſe alarms of the venal. — We are in the purſuit of truth, in a peaceable, calm, and unbiaſſed manner; and whereever we recognize her features, we will embrace her as the companion of happineſs, of wiſdom, and of peace, This is the mode of our conduct: the reaſons for it will be found in the following declaration of our opinions, to the whole of which each member gives his hearty aſſent.

DECLARATION.

I. That all true Government is inſtituted for the general good; is legalized by the general will; and all its actions are, or ought to be, directed for the general happineſs and proſperity of all honeſt citizens.

II. That we feel too much not to believe, that deep and alarming abuſes exiſt in the Britiſh Government, yet we are at the ſame time fully ſenſible, that our ſituation is comfortable, compared with that of the people of many European kingdoms; and that as the times are in ſome degree moderate, they ought to be free from riot and confuſion.

III. Yet we think there is ſufficient cauſe to enquire into the neceſſity of the payment of ſeventeen millions of annual taxes, excluſive of poor rates, county rates, expences of collection, &c. &c. by ſeven millions of people; we think that theſe expences may be reduced, without leſſening the true dignity of the nation, or the government; and therefore wiſh for ſatisfaction in this important matter.

[232]IV. We view with concern the frequency of Wars. — We are perſuaded that th [...] intereſts of the poor can never be promoted by acceſſion of territory when bought at the expence of labour and blood; and we muſt ſay, in the language of a celebrated author,—"We, who are only the people, but who pay for wars with our ſubſtance and our blood, will not ceaſe to tell Kings, or Governments, that to them [...]lone wars are profitable: that the true and juſt con [...] are thoſe which each makes at home, by co [...]ting the peaſantry, by promoting agriculture and manufactories: by multiplying men, and the other productions of nature; that then it is that Kings [...] themſelves the image of God, whoſe will is perpetually directed to the creation of new beings. If they continue to make us fight and kill one another, in uniform, we will continue to write and ſpeak, until nations ſhall be cured of this folly."— We are certain our preſent heavy burthens are owing, in a great meaſure, to cruel and impolitic wars, and therefore we will do all on our part, as peaceable citizens, who have the good of the community at heart, to enlighten each other, and proteſt againſt them.

V. The preſent ſtate of the repreſentation of the People, calls for the particular attention of every man, who has humanity ſufficient to feel for the honour and happineſs of his country; to the defects and corruptions of which we are inclined to attribute unneceſſary Wars, &c. &c. We think it a deplorable caſe when the poor muſt ſupport a corruption which is calculated to oppreſs them; when the labourer muſt give his money to afford the means of preventing him having a voice in its diſpoſal; when the lower claſſes may ſay. —"We give you our money, for which we have toiled and ſweat, and which would ſave our families from cold and hunger; but we think it more hard that there is nobody whom we have delegated, to ſee that it is not improperly and wickedly ſp [...]nt: we have none to watch over our intereſts; the rich only [233]are repreſented."—"The form of Government ſince the Revolution, is in ſome reſpects, changed for the worſe by the triennial and ſeptennial acts we loſt annual Parliaments: beſides which, the wholeſome proviſion for obliging Privy Counſellors to ſubſcribe their advice with their names, and againſt Placemen and Penſioners ſitting in Parliament, have been repealed." It is ſaid, that the voice of the people is the conſtitutional controul of Parliament, but what is this [...]t ſaving, that the Repreſentative, [...] naturally in [...]d to ſupport wrong meaſures, an [...] that the peo [...] [...] be conſtantly aſſembling to oblige them to do their duty. An equal and uncorrupt repreſentation would, we are perſuaded, ſave us from heavy expences, and deliver us from many oppreſſions, we will therefore do our duty to procure this reform, which appears to us of the u [...]oſt importance.

VI. In ſhort, we ſee with the moſt lively concern, an army of Placemen, Pen [...]ners, &c. fighting in the [...] of corruption and prejudice, and ſpreading the [...]agio [...] far and wide;—a large and highly expenſive military eſtabliſhment, though we have a well regulated militia; —the increaſe of all kinds of robberies, riots, executions, &c. though the nation pays taxes equal to the whole land rental of the kingdom, in order to have its property protected and [...]ured; [...]nd is alſo obliged to enter into ſeparate aſſociations againſt felonious deprelations. — A criminal code of law ſanguine and inefficacious. — a civil code ſo volominods and myſterious as to puzzle the beſt underſtandings; by which means, juſtices, denies to the poor, on account of the expence attending the obtaining of it; — corporations under miniſterial or party influence, ſwallowing up the importance and [...]cting againſt the voice of the people; — pena [...] [...]icted [...] thoſe who accept of office, without [...] [...]in [...] to one vio [...] of their conſciences a [...] [...]; the voice of [...] [...]ry drowned in p [...]tion, and the clamours of the penſioned and intereſted; and we view, [234]with the moſt poignant ſorrow, a part of the people deluded by a cry of the Conſtitution and Church in danger, fighting with the weapons of ſavages, under the banners of prejudice, againſt thoſe who have their true intereſt at heart;—we ſee with equal ſenſibility the preſent outcry againſt reforms, and a cruel proclamation (tending to cramp the liberty of the preſs, and diſcredit the true friends of the people) receiving the ſupport of numbers of our countrymen;—we ſee the continuation of oppreſſive game laws and deſtructive monopolies;—we ſee the education and comfort of the poor neglected, notwithſdanding the enormous weight of the poor r [...];—we ſee burthe [...] multiplied— the lower claſſes ſinking into poverty, diſgrace and exceſſes, and the means of theſe ſhocking abuſes increaſed for the purpoſes of revenue;—for the ſame end, Exciſe Laws, thoſe badges and ſources of oppreſſion, kept up and multiplied.—And when we caſt our eyes on a people juſt formed in a free communit [...], without [...] ing had time to grow rich, under a Government by which juſtice is duly adminiſtered, the poor taught and comforted, properly protected, taxes ſew and eaſy, and that at an expence as ſmall as that of our penſion lift—we aſk ourſelves—"Are we in England?—Have our forethers fought, and bled, and conquered [...]r liberty?—And did not they think that the fruits of their patriotiſm would be more abundant in pea [...], plenty, and happineſs?—Are we allways to ſtand ſtill or go backwards?—Are our burthens to be as heavy as the mo [...] enſlaved people?—Is the condition o [...] the poor never to be improved?" Great Britain muſt have arrived at the higheſt degree of national happineſs and proſperity, and our ſituation muſt be too good to be mended, or the preſent outcry againſt refer us and improvements is inhuman and criminal. But we hope our condition will be ſpeedily improved, and to obtain ſo deſirable a good is the object of our preſent Aſſociation; an union founded on principles of [...]erevolence and humanity; diſclaiming all connection [235]with riot and diſorder, but firm in our purpoſe, and warm in our affections for liberty.

VII. Laſtly—We invite the friends of freedom throughout Great Britain to form ſimilar Societies, and to act with unanimity and firmneſs, till the people be too wiſe to be impoſed upon; and their influence in the government be commenſurate with their dignity and importance,

THEN SHALL WE BE FREE AND HAPPY.

By Order of the Society, S. EYRE, Chairman.

ODE TO HUMAN KIND.
From Dodſley's Poems.

IS there, or do the Schoolmen dream?
I, there on earth a power ſupreme,
The Delegate of Heaven?
To whom an uncontroll'd command,
In [...]ry realm, o'er ſeas and l [...]nd,
By ſpecial grace is given?
Then ſay what ſigns this God proclaim?
Dwells he amidſt the diamond's ſlame,
A throne his hallow' [...] ſhrine?
Alas! the pomp, the arm'd array,
Want, fear, and impotence betray,
Strange proofs of power divine!!!
If ſervice due from human kind,
To men in SLOTHFUL eaſe r [...]elin'd,
Can form a ſovereign's cla [...]m,
Had Monare [...]s! [...]e whom Heaven ordains,
Our toils unſhar' [...]—to ſhare our g [...]ins,
YE IDIOTS BLIND and LAME!
[236]
Superior virtue, wiſdom, might,
Create and mark the Ruler's right,
So REASON muſt conclude—
Then thine it is, to whom belong,
The wiſe, the virtuous, and the ſtrong,
THRICE SACRED MULTITUDE.
In thee, vaſt ALL! are theſe contain'd,
For theſe are thoſe, thy parts ordain'd,
So Nature's ſyſtems roll:
The ſceptre's thine, it ſuch there be,
If none there is—then thou art FREE,
GREAT MONARCH! MIGHTY WHOLE!
Let the proud Tyrant reſt his cauſe
On Faith, Preſcription, Force, or Laws,
An hoſt's or ſenate's voice,
HIS VOICE affirms thy ſtronger due,
Who for the many made the few,
And gave the ſpecies choice.
Unſanctif [...]'d by thy command,
Unown'd by thee, the ſcepter'd hand,
The trembling ſlave may bind;
But looſe from Nature's moral ties,
The oath [...] force impos'd, belies
The un [...]nting mind.
THY WILL's thy rule—thy good its end;
You p [...] only to defend
W [...] [...]ent Nature gave;
A [...] he [...] [...]e her gif [...] [...]vade,
By [...] [...]de,
[...] [...]ctim [...] ſ [...]ve.
The [...] founds the juſt decree,
O [...] [...]ive [...],
No private [...] ſign' [...]:
T [...]h [...] Nature' [...] [...]vide extent,
No [...] A [...]E [...] o'er [...] meant,
To hurt the GENERAL [...]nd.
[237]
Avails it thee, if ONE devours,
OR LESSER ſpoilers ſhare his powers,
While BOTH thy claim oppoſe?
Monſter, who wore thy ſully'd crown,
Tyrants who pull'd thoſe monſters down,
Alike to thee were foes!
Far other ſhone fair Freedom's band,
Far other was the immortal ſtand,
When Hamp [...]en fought for thee:
They ſ [...]te [...]'d from rapine's grief thy ſpoils,
The fruits and prize of glorious toils,
Of arts and induſtry.
The foes, with fronts of braſs, invade;
Thy friends afford a timid aid,
And yield up half thy right?
Ev'n LOCKE, beams forth a mingled ray,
Afraid to pour the flood of day,
On man's too feeble ſight.
O! ſhall the bought and buying tribe,
The ſlaves who take and deal the bribe,
A people's claims enjoy!
So India murd'rers hope to gain,
The pow'rs and virtues of the ſlain,
Of wretches they deſtroy.
Avert it Heav'n! you love the brave,
You hate the treach rous willing ſlave,
The ſelf-devoted head;
Nor ſhall an hireling's voice convey,
That ſacred prize to lawleſs ſway,
For which a nation bled.
[238]
—To ſhew—
The very Age and Body of the Time its Form
And Preſſure.—
For comments pray don't look;
For whatſoe'er we think
In theſe informing times
We ſcarce dare SHRUG OR WINK!
Sweet ſ [...] for Old Engliſh Roaſt Beef!!!
Don't open your mouth at me, fellow.

DUKE OF YORK's ARMY.

HIS Royal Highneſs orders, that all the troops under his command pay proper reſpect to the Hoſt, and all other religious proceſſions. He directs, that [...]ll centinels carry their arms when any religious proceſſion is paſſing; and demands the attention of all officer [...], but particularly of thoſe on duty, to prevent the ſ [...]eſt impropriety being committed on theſe occaſions.

His Royal Highneſs is confident, that the troops under his command will ever bear in mind, that though we differ in ſome of the ceremonies of religion, we unite with our gallant allies; and it is our glory to do ſo, in every ſentiment of devotion to our CREATOR, and attachment and loyalty to our SOVEREIGNS.

Extract of a Letter from Mons, to the Convention, dated December 12.

"We ſend you a liſt of the famous relics taken from the Rebels.—1. The HEAD of St. Charles [239]Borromu. 2. BLESSED STUFFS! found in the Shrine of St. Dennis. 3. Papers to PROVE that the RELICS of St. Vincent are GENUINE. 4. A TOOTH of the LOWER Jaw of St. Vincent. 5. A Bit of the HEAD and the Hair of St. Guignelot. 6. A PIECE of the ROBE of the HOLY Virgin. 7. A PIECE of the FROCK of the Infant Jeſus. 8. The SKULL of St. Sebaſtian. 9. The GRIDIRON of St. Laurence. 10. A Piece of the TRUE Croſs. 11. Two Vials of the MILK of the MOST Holy Virgin."

The peruſal of this Liſt produced much laughter.

A Deputation from the Commune of DIJON informed the Convention, that various SAINTS of BOTH Sexes, GOLD and SILVER, would arrive in a ſew days. We gave them nothing to cat on the road, ſaid the Orator, becauſe we are told they can change ſtone to bread, and water to wine. We aſked what kind of carriage they would chuſe? To which they replied, That, being Saints of Burgundy, they ſhould prefer wine caſks; and in two or three days you will ſo receive them, with flaggons once thought ſacred. (Honourable mention, and inſertion in the Bulletin.)

A PANEGYRIC! A SAFE MORSEL FOR THE PIGS. FROM CATO [...] LETTERS.

WE have at laſt, by the bounteous gift of indulgent Providence, a moſt [...] King, and a wiſe and uncorrupt Parliament; a [...] [...]et—But what ſhall I ſay, or what ſhall be left unſaid? I will [240]go on.—We have a Prince, I ſay, who is poſſeſſed of every virtue which can grace and adorn a crown; a Parliament too, than whom England has never choſen one better diſpoſed to do all thoſe things, which every honeſt man in it wiſhed, and called for, and yet—by the iniquity of the times, or the iniquities of particular men, we are ſtill to expect our deliverance, though I hope we ſhall not expect it long.

Public corruptions and abuſes have grown upon us: ſees in moſt, if not in all offices, are immenſely increaſed: places and employments, which ought not to be ſold at all, are ſold for treble values: the neceſſitie, of the public have made greater impoſitions unavoidable, and yet the public has run very much in debt; and as theſe-debts have been encreaſing, and the people growing poor, ſalaries have been angmented, and penſions multiplied: I mean in the l [...]ſt reign, for I hope that there have been no ſuch doing in this.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF FRANCE.

[Concluded from page 212.]

OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL.

62. THERE is one Executive Council compoſed of twenty-four members.

63. The Electoral Aſſembly of each Department, nominate, one Candidate. The Ligiſlative Body chooſes the Members of the Council from the general liſt.

64. One half of it is renewed by each Legiſlature, in the laſt month of the ſeſſion.

65. The Council is charged with the direction and ſuperintendance of the general Adminiſtration. It [241]cannot act, but in execution of the laws and decrees of the Legiſlative Body.

66. It nominates, not of its own body, the Agents in chief of the general Adminiſtration of the Republic.

67. The Legiſlative Body determines the number, and the functions of theſe Agents.

68. Theſe Agents do not form a Council. They are ſeparated, without any immediate correſpondence between them; they exerciſe no perſonal authority.

69. The Council nominates, not of its own body, the external Agents of the Republic.

70. It negotiates treaties.

71. The Members of the Council, in caſe of mal [...]rſation, are accuſed by the Legiſlative Body.

72. The Council is reſponſible for the non-execution of laws and decrees, and for abuſes which it does not denounce.

73. It recals and replaces the agents in its nomination.

74. It is bound to denounce them, if there be occaſion, before the Judicial Authorities.

OF THE CONNECTION OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL WITH THE LEGISLATIVE BODY.

75. The Executive Council reſides near the Legiſlative Body. It has admittance and a ſeparate ſeat in the place of ſittings.

76. It is heard as often as it has an account to give.

77. The Legiſlative Body calls it into the place of its ſittings, in whole or in part, when it thinks fit.

OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND MUNICIPAL BODIES.

78. There is a Municipal Adminiſtration in each commune of the Republic; in each Diſtrict an intermediate Adminiſtration; In each Department a central Adminiſtration.

[242] 79. The Municipal Officers are elected by the Aſſemblies of the Commune.

80. The Adminiſtrators are nominated by the Electoral Aſſemblies of Department and Diſtrict.

81. The Municipalities and the Adminiſtrations are renewed, one half, every year.

82. The Adminiſtrators and Municipal Officers have no character of repreſentation; they cannot, in any caſe, modify the acts of the Legiſlative Body, or ſuſpend the execution of them.

83. The Legiſlative Body determines the functions of the Municipal Officers, and Adminiſtrators, the rules of their ſubordination, and the penalties they may incur.

84. The ſittings of Municipalities and Adminiſtrations are public.

OF CIVIL JUSTICE.

85. The code of civil and criminal laws is uniform for all the Republic.

86. No infringement can be made of the right which Citizens have to cauſe their differences to be pronounced upon by arbitrators of their choice.

87. The deciſion of theſe arbitrators is final, if the Citizens have not reſerved the right of objecting to them.

88. There are Juſtices of Peace, elected by the Citizens in circuits determined by the law.

89. They conciliate and judge without expence.

90. Their number and their competence are regulated by the Legiſlative Body.

91. There are public Arbitrators elected by the Electoral Aſſemblies.

92. Their number and their circuits are fixed by the Legiſlative Body.

93. They take cognizance of diſputes which have not been finally determined by the private Arbitrators' of the Juſtice of Peace.

94. They deliberate in public; they give their opinions aloud; they pronounce, in the laſt reſort, on [243]verbal defences, or ſimple memorials, without procedures, and without expence; they aſſign the reaſons of their deciſion.

95. The Juſtices of Peace and the Public Arbitrators are elected every year.

OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE.

96. In criminal caſes, no Citizen can be tried, but on an examination received by a Jury, or decreed by the Legiſlative Body; the accuſed have Counſel choſen by themſelves, or nominated officially; the proceſs is public; the fact and the intention are declared by a jury of judgment; the puniſhment is applied by a criminal tribunal.

97. The Criminal Judges are elected every year by the Electoral Aſſemblies.

OF THE TRIBUNAL OF APPEAL.

98. There is one Tribunal of Appeal for all the Republic.

99. This Tribunal does not take cognizance of the merits of the caſe: It pronounces on the violation of forms, and on expreſs contravention of the law.

100. The Members of the Tribunal are nominated every year by the Electoral Aſſemblies.

OF PUBLIC CONTRIBUTIONS.

101. No Citizen is exempted from the honourable obligation of contributing to the public charges.

OF THE NATIONAL TREASURY.

102. The National Treaſury is the central point of the receipts and expences of the Republic.

103. It is adminiſtered by accountable agents, nominated by the Executive Council.

104. Theſe agents are ſuperintended by Commiſſioners nominated by the Legiſlative Body, not of its own members, and reſponſible for abuſes which they do not denounce.

[244]OF ACCOUNTABILITY.

105. The accounts of the Agents of the National Treaſury and the Adminiſtrators of the public money are given in annually to reſponſible Commiſſioners, nominated by the Executive Council.

106. Theſe verificators are ſuperintended by Commiſſioners in the nomination of the Legiſlative Body, not of its own members, and reſponſible for errors and abuſes which they do not denounce; the Legiſlative Body paſſes the accounts.

OF THE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC.

107. The general forces of the Republic is compoſed of the whole people.

108. The Republic maintains in its pay, even in time of peace, an armed force, by ſea and by land.

109. All the French are ſoldiers; they are all exerciſed in the uſe of arms.

110. There is no Generaliſſimo.

111. Difference of ranks, their diſtinctive marks and ſubordination, ſubſiſt only with relation to ſervice, and during its continuance.

112. The public force employed for maintaining order and peace in the interior, does not act but on the requiſition in writing, of the conſtituted authorities.

113. The public force employed againſt enemies from without, acts under the orders of the Executive Council.

114. No armed bodies can deliberate.

OF NATIONAL CONVENTIONS.

115. If in one more than the half of the Departments, the tenth of the Primary Aſſemblies of each, regularly formed, demand the reviſion of the Conſtitutional Act, or the change of ſome of its articles, the Legiſlative Body is bound to convoke all the Primary Aſſemblies of the Republic, to know if there be ground fot a National Convention.

[245] 116. The National Convention is formed in the ſame manner as the Legiſlatures, and unites in itſelf their powers.

117. It employs itſelf, with reſpect to the Conſtitution, only on the objects which were the cauſe of its convocation.

OF THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC WITH FOREIGN NATIONS.

118. The French people is the friend and the natural ally of every free people.

119. It does not interfere in the government of other nations. It does not ſuffer other nations to interfere in its own.

120. It gives an aſylum to foreigners, baniſhed from their country for the cauſe of liberty; it refuſes it to tyrants.

121. It does not make peace with an enemy, that occupies its territory.

OF THE GUARANTEE OF RIGHTS.

122. The Conſtitution guarantees to all the French, equality, liberty, ſafety, property, the public debt, the free exerciſe of worſhip, a common inſtruction, public ſuccours, the indefinite liberty of the preſs, the right of petition, the right of meeting in popular ſocieties, the enjoyment of all the rights of man.

123. The French Republic honours loyalty, courage, age, ſilial piety, misfortune. It puts the depoſit of its conſtitution under the guard of all the virtues.

124. The Declaration of Rights and the Con [...] tional Act are engraven on tables, in the [...]ſom of the Legiſlative Body, and in the public [...]

  • COLLOT D'HERBOIS, Preſident.
  • DURAND-MAILLAN [...], [...]UCOS, Secretaries.
  • MEAULLE, CIL DE [...]ROIX, Secretaries.
  • COSSUJ [...], P. A [...]V [...]OY, Secretaries.

CAUTIONS Againſt the natural Encroachments of Power.
From CATO'S LETTERS.

[246]

PEOPLE are ruined by their ignorance of Human Nature; which ignorance leads them to credulity, and too great a confidence in particular men. They fondly imagine that he, who, poſſeſſing a great deal by their favour, owes them great gratitude, and all good offices, will therefore return their kindneſs: But, alas! how often are they miſtaken in their favourites and truſtees; who, the more they have given them, are often the more incited to take all, and to return deſtruction for generous uſage. The common people generally think that great men have great minds, and ſcorn baſe actions; which judgment is ſo falſe, that the baſeſt and worſt of all actions have been done by great men: Perhaps they have not picked private pockets, but they have done worſe; they have often diſturbed, deceived, and pillaged the world: And he who is capable of the higheſt miſchief, is capable of the meaneſt: He who plunders a country of a million of money, would in ſuitable circumſtances ſteal a ſilver ſpoon; and a conqueror, who ſteals and pillages a kingdom, would, in an humbler fortune, rifle a portmanteau, or rob an orchard.

Political jealouſy, therefore, in the people, is a neceſſary and laudable paſſion. But in a chief magiſtrate, a jealouſy of his people is not ſo juſtifiable, their ambition being only to preſerve themſelves; whereas it is natural for Power to be ſtriving to enlarge itſelf, and to be encroaching upon thoſe who have none. The moſt laudable jealouſy of a magiſtrate is to be jealous for his people; which will ſhew that be loves them, and has uſed them well: But to be jealous of them, would denote that he has evil deſigns againſt them, and has uſed them ill. The [247]people's jealouſy tends to preſerve Liberty; and the prince's to deſtroy it. Venice is a glorious inſtance of the former, and ſo is England; and all nations who have loſt their Liberty, are melancholy proofs of the latter.

Power is naturally active, vigilant and diſtruſtful; which qualities in it puſh it upon all means and expedients to fortify itſelf, and upon deſtroying all oppoſition, and even all ſeeds of oppoſition, and make it reſtleſs as long as any thing ſtands in its way. It would do what it pleaſes, and have no check. Now becauſe Liberty chaſtiſes and ſhortens Power, therefore Power would extinguiſh Liberty; and conſequently Liberty has too much cauſe to be exceeding jealous, and always upon her defence. Power has many advantages over her; it has generally numerous guards, many creatures, and much treaſure; beſides, it has more craft and experience, leſs honeſty and innocence: And whereas Power can, and for the moſt part does ſubſiſt where Liberty is not, Liberty cannot ſubſiſt without Power; ſo that ſhe has, as it were, the enemy always at her gates.

Some have ſaid, that Magiſtrates being accountable to none but God, ought to know no other reſtraint. But this reaſoning is as frivolous as it is wicked; for no good man cares how many puniſhments and penalties lie in the way to an offence which he does not intend to commit: A man who does not intend to commit murder, is not ſorry that murder is puniſhed with death. And as to wicked men, their being accountable to God, whom they do not fear, is no ſecurity to us againſt their folly and malice; and to ſay that we ought to have no ſecurity againſt them, is to inſult common ſenſe, and give the lie to the firſt law of nature, that of ſelf-preſervation. Human reaſon ſays, that there is no obedience, no regard due to thoſe rulers, who govern by no rule but their luſt. Such men are no rulers; they are outlaws, who, being at defiance with God and man, are protected by [248]no law of God, or of reaſon. By what precept, moral or divine, are we forbid to kill a wolf, or burn an infected ſhip? Is it unlawful to prevent wickedneſs and miſery, and to reſiſt the authors of them? Are crimes ſanctified by their greatneſs? And is he who robs a country, and murders ten thouſand, leſs a criminal than he who ſteals ſingle guineas, and takes away ſingle lives? Is there any ſin in preventing, and reſtraining, or reſiſting the greateſt ſin that can be committed, that of oppreſſing and deſtroying mankind by wholeſale? Sure there never were ſuch open, ſuch ſhameleſs, ſuch ſ [...]fiſh impoſtors, as the advocates for lawleſs power. It is a damnable ſin to oppreſs them; yet it is a damnable ſin to oppoſe them when they oppreſs, or-gain by the oppreſſion of others. When they are hurt themſelves ever ſo little, or but think themſelves hurt, they are the loudeſt of all men in their complaints, and the moſt outrageous in their behaviour: but when others are plundered, oppreſſed and butchered, complaints are ſedition; and to ſeek redreſs is damnation. Is not this to be the authors of all wickedneſs and falſehood?

To conclude: Power, without controul, appertains to God alone; and no man ought to be truſted with what no man is equal to. In truth, there are ſo many paſſions, and inconſiſtencies, and ſo much ſelfiſhneſs belonging to human nature, that we can ſcarce be too much upon our guard againſt each other. The only ſecurity which we can have that men will be honeſt, is to make it their intereſt to be honeſt; and the beſt defence which we can have againſt their being knaves, is to make it terrible to them to be knaves. As there are many men wicked in ſome ſtations, who would be innocent in others; the beſt way is to make wickedneſs unſafe in any ſtation.

[249]

DEFINITION OF LOYALTY, By Mr. TOPLADY, Vicar of Broad Hembury, Devon, in his Church of England Vindicated, page 49.
Printed in 1769.

TRUE Loyalty extends to one's country, as well as to the prince: and to oppoſe tyranny, is no breach of Loyalty, but an eſſential branch of it, Loyalty (as the very word imports) is ſuch an attachm [...] to king and people, as is founded on the LAWS: and an hair's breadth beyond LAW, true LOYALTY does not go. So allegience is obedience ad leges, ACCORDING TO LAW. Whenever therefore (as was eminently the caſe in Mr. Prynn's time) a prince over-ſteps law, Loyalty itſelf obliges a loyal people to ſay to ſuch a prince, as the Almighty to the ſea, "Hitherto ſhalt thou come, and no further."

The Meaning of the Word PENSION.
From Dr. Johnſon's Dictionary.

AN allowance made to any one without an equivalent. In England it is generally underſtood to mean pay given to a State-hireling for treaſon to his Country.

The Meaning of the Word PENSIONER.
From the ſame Authority.

A Slave of State, hired by a ſtipend to obey his maſter.

In Britain's Senate he a ſeat obtains.
And one more Penſioner St. Stephen gains.
POPE,

BURKE's ADDRESS TO THE "SWINISH MULTITUDE!"

[250]
Tune, "Derry down, down," &c.
YE vile SWINISH Herd, in the Sty of Taxation.
What would you be after?—diſturbing the Nations?
Ghe over your grunting—Be off—To your Sty!
Nor dare to look out, if a KING paſſes by:
Get ye down! down! down!—Keep ye down!
Do ye know what a KING is? By Patrick I'll tell you;
He has Power in his Pocket, to buy you and ſell you:
To make you all Soldiers, or keep you at work?
To hang you, and cure you for Ham or Salt Pork!
Get ye down! &c.
Do you think that a KING is no more than a Man?
Ye Brutiſh, Ye Swiniſh, irrational Clan?
I ſwear by his Office, his Right is divine,
To flog you, and feed you, and treat you like Swine!
Get you down! &c.
To be ſure, I have ſaid—but I ſpoke it abrupt—
That "the State is defective and alſo corrupt."
Yet remember I told you with Caution to peep,
For Swine at a Diſtance WE prudently keep—
Get ye down! &c.
Now the Church and the State, to keep each other warm,
Are married together. And where is the Harm?
How healthy and we [...]lthy are Huſband and Wife!
But Swine are excluded the conjugal Life—
Get ye down! &c.
The State, it is true, has grown fat upon SWINE,
And Church's weak Stomach on TYTHE-PIG can dine;
[251]But neither you know, as they roaſt at the Fire,
Have a Right to find fault with the Cooks, or enquire.
Get ye down! &c.
"What Uſe do we make of your Money?"—You ſay;
Why the firſt Law of Nature:—We take our own Pay
And next on our Friends a few Penſions beſtow—
And to you we apply when our Treaſure runs low,
Get ye down! &c.
Conſider our Boroughs, Ye grumbling SWINE!
At Corruption and Taxes, they never repine:
If we only Proclaim, "YE ARE HAPPY!"—They ſay,
"WE ARE Happy!"—Believe and be Happy as they!
Get ye down! &c.
What know ye of COMMONS, of KINGS, or of LORDS,
But what the dim Light of TAXATION affords?
Be contented with that—and no more of your Rout:
Or a new Proclamation ſhall muzzle your Snout!
Get ye down! &c.
And now for the SUN—or the LIGHT OR THE DAY!
"IT doth not belong to a PITT?"—You will ſay.
I tell you be ſilent, and huſh all your Jars:
Or he'll charge you a [...]rthing a piece for the Stars
Get ye down! &c.
Here's MYSELF, and His Dar [...]neſs, and Harry Dun [...]:
[...], F [...], and Iriſh, with Fronts made of Braſs—
A Cord plated Three-ſold will ſtand a good pull,
Againſt SAWNEY, and PATRICK, and old Johnny Bal!!!!
Get ye down! &c.
To conclude: Then no more about MAN and his RIGHTS,
TOM PAINE, and a Rabble of Liberty Wights:
That you are but our "SWINE," if ye ever forget,
We'll throw you alive to the HORRIDIE PIT!
Get ye down! down! down!—Keep ye down!

[ROMAN HISTORY, concluded from Page 189.]

[252]

M. GENUCIUS and C. Curti [...]s being conſuls, the commons of Rome demand, that the plebeians may be admitted into the conſulſhip; and, that the law, prohibiting patricians and plebeians from intermarrying, may be repealed. In ſupport of this demand, Canulcius one of the tribunes of the people, thus delivered himſelf:—

"What an inſult upon us is this! If we are not ſo rich as the patricians, are we not citizens of Rome, as well as they? Inhabitants of the ſame country? Members of the ſame community? The nations bordering upon Rome, and even ſtrangers more remote; are admitted not only to marriages with us, but to what is of much greater importance, the freedom of the city. Are we, becauſe we are commoners, to be worſe treated than ſtrangers? And when we demand that the people may be free to beſtow their offices and dignities on whom they pleaſe, do we aſk any thing unreaſonable or new? Do we claim more than their original inherent rights? What occaſion then for all this uproar, as if the univerſe was failing to ruin? They were juſt going to lay viole [...] hands upon me in the ſenate-houſe. What, muſt this empire then be unavoidably overturned: muſt Rome of neceſſity ſink at once, if a plebeian, worthy of the office, ſhould be raiſed to the conſulſhip? The partricians, I am perſuaded, if they could, would deprive you of the common light. It certainly offends them that you breathe, that you ſpeak, that you have the ſhapes of men. Nay, to make a commoner a conſul would be, ſay they, a moſt enormous thing, Numa Pompiliu [...], however, without being ſo much as a Roman citizen, was made king of Rome. The elder Tarquin by birth not even an Italian, was, nevertheleſs, placed upon the throne. Servius Tullius, the ſon of a captive woman, (nobody knows who [253]his father was) obtained the kingdom, as the reward of his wiſdom and virtue. In thoſe days, no man, in whom virtue ſhone conſpicuous, was rejected or deſpiſed on account of his race or deſcent. And did the ſtate proſper the worſe for that? Were not theſe ſtrangers the very beſt of our kings? And, ſuppoſing now, that a plebeian ſhould have their talents and merit, muſt not he be ſuffered to govern us? Muſt we rather chuſe ſuch governors as the decemvirs? Thoſe excellent magiſtrates, I think, were moſtly patricians. But we find, that upon the abolition of the regal power, no commoner was choſe to the conſulate. And what of that? Before Numa's time there were no pontifices in Rome. Before Servius Tullus's days, there was no cenſus, no diviſion of the people into claſes and centuries. Whoever heard of conſuls before the expulſion of Tarquin the proud? Dictators, we all know, are of modern invention; and ſo are the offices of tribunes; [...]diles, queſtors. Within theſe ten years we have made decemvirs, and we have unmade them. Is nothing to be done but what has been done before? That very law forbidding marriages of patricians with plebeians, is not that a new thing? Was there any ſuch law before the decemvirs enacted it? And a moſt ſhameful one it is in a free ſtate! Such marriages, it ſeems, would taint the pure blood of the nobility! Why, if they think ſo, let them take care to match their ſiſters and daughters with men of their own ſort. No plebeian will do violence to the daughter of a patrician. Thoſe are exploits for our prime nobles. There is no need to ſear that we ſhall force any body into a contract of marriage. But, to make an expreſs law to prohibit marriages of patricians with plebeians, what is this, but to ſhew the utmoſt contempt of us, and to declare one part of the community to be impure and unclean? Why don't they lay their wiſe heads together to hinder rich folks from matching with poor? They talk to us of the confuſion there will be [254]in families, if this ſtatute ſhould be repealed. I wonder they do not make a law againſt a commoner's living near a nobleman, or going the ſame road that he is going, or being at the ſame feaſt, or appearing at the ſame market-place. They might as well pretend, that theſe things make confuſion in families, as that inter-marriages will do it. Do not every one know, that the child will be ranked according to the quality of his father, let him be patrician or plebeian? In ſhort, it is manifeſt enough, that we have nothing in view but to be treated as men and Citizens; nor can they who oppoſe our demand have any motive to do it; but the love of domineering. I would fain know of you, conſuls and patricians, is the ſovereign power in the people of Rome, or in you? I hope you will allow, that the people can, at their pleaſure, either make a law, or repeal one. And will you then, as ſoon as any law is propoſed to them, pretend to liſt them for the war, and hinder them from giving their ſuffrages, by leading them into the field? Hear me, conſuls: Whether the news of the war you talk of be true, or whether it be only a falſe rumour, ſpread abroad for nothing but a colour to ſend the people out of the city; I declare, as a tribune, that this people, who have already ſo often ſpilt their blood in our contry's cauſe, are again ready to arm for its defence and its glory, if they be reſtored to their natural rights, and you will no longer treat us like ſtrangers in our own country. But if you account us unworthy of your alliance by inter-marriages, if you will not ſuffer the entrance to the chief offices in the ſtate to be open to all perſons of merit, indifferently, but will confine your chief ingiſtrates to the ſenate alone; talk of wars as much as ever you pleaſe; paint in your ordinary diſcourſes the league and power of our enemies ten times more dreadful than you do now; I declare that this people, whom you ſo much deſpiſe, and to whom you are nevertheleſs indebted for all your [255]victories, ſhall never more enliſt themſelves; not a man of them ſhall take arms, nor a man of them ſhall expoſe his life for imperious lords, with whom he can neither ſhare the dignities of the ſtate, nor in private life have any alliance by marriage."

You have ſeen by the foregoing ſpeeches, the progreſs of the ſtruggles between the patricians and the plebeians, which continued for many years; the people always encroaching more and more upon the privileges of the patricians, till at length, all the great offices of the ſtate became equally common to the one and to the other. The following ſpeech, which was ſpoken above an hundred years after the foregoing one, may ſerve as an inſtance and a proof of that great ſimplicity of manners, public virtue, and noble ſpirit, which raiſed that people to that height of power and dominion, which they afterwards attained. The occaſion of it was this. The Tarantines having a quarrel with the Romans, invite Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, to their aſſiſtance, who lands with his forces in Italy, and defeats the Roman army under the command of Laevinius. After this battle, Fabritius, with two other Roman ſenators, is ſent to Tarentum to treat with Pyrrhus about the exchange of priſoners. The king, being informed of the great abilities, and great poverty of Fabritius, hinted in a private converſation with him, the unſuitableneſs of ſuch poverty to ſuch diſtinguiſhed merit, and that if he would aſſiſt him to negociate with the Romans an honourable peace for the Tarentines, and go with him to Epirus, he would beſtow ſuch riches upon him, as ſhould put him at leaſt upon an equality with the moſt opulent nobles of Rome. The anſwer of Fabritius was to this effect:—

"As to my poverty, you have indeed Sir, been rightly informed. My whole eſtate conſiſts in a houſe of but mean appearance, and a little ſpot of ground, from which, by my own labour, I draw my [256]ſupport. But if, by any means, you have been perſunded to think that this poverty makes me leſs conſidered in my own country, or in any degree unhappy, you are extremely deceived. I have no reaſon to complain of fortune, ſhe ſupplies me with all that nature requires; and, if I am without ſuperſluities, I am alſo free from the deſire of them. With theſe, I confeſs, I ſhould be more able to ſuccour the neceſſitous, the only advantage for which the wealthy are to be envied; but as my poſſeſſions are, I can ſtill contribute ſomething to the ſupport of the ſtate, and the aſſiſtance of my friends. With regard to honours, my country places me, poor as I am, upon a level with the richeſt: For Rome knows no qualifications for great employments but virtue and ability. She appoints me to officiate in the moſt auguſt ceremonies of religion; ſhe entruſts me with the command of her armies; ſhe conſides to my care the moſt important negotiations. My poverty does not leſlen the weight and influence of my counſels in the ſenate, the Roman people honour me for that very poverty which you conſider as a diſgrace; they know the many opportunities I have had in war to enrich myſelf without incurring cenſure; they are convinced of my intereſted zeal for their proſperity; and, if I have any thing to complain of in the return they make, it is only in the exceſs of their applauſe. What value then can I ſet upon your gold and ſilver! What king can add any thing to my fortune? Always attentive to diſcharge the duties incumbent on me, I have a mind free from ſelf-reproach, and I have an honeſt fame."

THE MARRIAGE ACT CENSURED.
From The Citizen of the World. By Goldſmith.

[257]

NOT far from this City lives a poor Tinker, who has educated ſeven ſons, all at this time in arms, and fighting for their country, and what reward do you think has the tinker from the ſtate for ſuch important ſervices? none in the world; his ſons, when the war is over, may probably be whipt from pariſh to pariſh as vagabonds, and the old man, when paſt labour, may die a priſoner in ſome houſe of correction.

Such a worthy ſubject in China would be held in univerſal reverence; his ſervices would be rewarded, if not with dignities, at leaſt with an exemption from labour; he would take the left hand at ſeaſts, and mandarines themſelves would be proud to ſhew their ſubmiſſion. The Engliſh laws puniſh vice, the Chineſe laws do more, they reward virtue!

Conſidering the little encouragements given to matrimony here, I am not ſurpriſed at the diſcouragements given to propagation. Would you believe it, my dear Fum Hoam, there are laws made, which even forbid the people's marrying each other. By the head of Confucius, I jeſt not; there are ſuch laws in being here; and their law-givers have neither been inſtructed among the Hottentots, nor imbibed their principles of equity from the natives of Anamaboo.

There are laws which ordain, that no man ſhall marry a woman contrary to her own conſent. This, though contrary to what we are taught in Aſia, and though in ſome meaſure a clog upon matrimony, I have no great objection to. There are laws which ordain, that no woman ſhall marry againſt her father and mother's conſent, unleſs arrived at an age of maturity; by which is underſtood thoſe years, when woman with us are generally paſt child-bearing. Thi [...] [258]muſt be a clog upon matrimony, as it is more difficult for the lover to pleaſe three than one, and much more difficult to pleaſe old people than young ones. The laws ordain, that the conſenting couple ſhall take a long time to conſider before they marry; this is a very great clog, becauſe people love to have all raſh actions done in a hurry. It is ordained that all marriages ſhall be proclaimed before celebration: this is a ſevere clog, as many are aſhamed to have their marriage made public, from motives of vicious modeſty, and many, afraid from views of temporal intereſt.

It is ordained, that there is nothing ſacred in the ceremony, but that it may be diſſolved to all intents and purpoſes by the authority of any civil magiſtrate. And yet oppoſite to this it is ordained, that the prieſt ſhall be paid a large ſum of money for granting his ſacred permiſſion.

Thus you ſee, my friend, that matrimony here is hedged round with ſo many obſtructions, that thoſe who are willing to break through or ſurmount them, muſt be contented, if at laſt they find it a bed of thorns. The laws are not to blame, for they have deterred the people from engaging as much as they could. It is indeed become a very ſerious affair in England, and none but ſerious people are generally found willing to engage. The young, the gay, and the beautiful, who have motives of paſſion only to induce them, are ſeldom found to embark, as thoſe inducements are taken away, and none but the old, the ugly, and the mercenary are ſeen to unite, who, if they have any poſterity at all, will probably be an ill favoured race like themſelves.

What gave riſe to thoſe laws might have been ſome ſuch accidents as theſe. It ſometimes happened, that a miſer, who had ſpent all his youth in ſeraping up money, to give his daughter ſuch a fortune as might get her a mandarine huſband found his expectations diſappointed at laſt, by her running away with his footman; this muſt have been a ſad ſhock to the poor [259]diſconſolate parent, to ſee his poor daughter in a onehorſe chaiſe, when he had deſigned her for a coach and ſix: what a ſtroke from providence!!! to ſee his dear money go to a beggar; all nature cried out at the profanation!!!

It ſometimes happened alſo, that a lady, who had inherited all the titles, and all the nervous complaints of nobility, thought fit to impair her dignity, and mend her conſtitution, by marrying a farmer; this muſt have been a ſad ſhock to her inconſolable relations, to ſee ſo fine a flower ſnatched from a flouriſhing family, and planted in a dunghill; this was an abſolute inverſion of the firſt principles of things!!!

In order, therefore, to prevent the great from being thus contaminated by vulgar alliances, the obſtacles to matrimony have been ſo contrived, that the rich only can marry amongſt the rich, and the poor, who would leave celebacy, muſt be content to increaſe their poverty with a wife. Thus have the laws fairly inverted the inducements to matrimony; nature tells us, that beauty is the proper allurement of thoſe who are rich, and money of thoſe who are poor; but things here are ſo contrived, that the rich are invited to marry by that fortune which they do not want, and the poor have no inducement, but that beauty which they do not feel.

An equal diffuſion of riches through any country conſtitutes its happineſs. Great wealth in the poſſeſſion of one ſtagnates, and extream poverty with another keeps him in unambitious indigence; but the moderately rich are generally active; not too far removed from poverty, to fear its calamities; nor too near extreme wealth, to ſlacken the nerve of labour; they remain ſtill between both, in a ſtate of continual fluctuation. How impolitic, therefore, are thoſe laws which promote the accumulation of wealth among the rich, more impolitic ſtill, in attempting to encreaſe the depreſſion on poverty.

Bacon, the Engliſh Philoſopher, compares money [260]to manure; if gathered in heaps, ſays he, it does no good; on the contrary, it becomes offenſive; but, being ſpread, though never ſo thinly, over the ſurface of the earth, it enriches the whole country. Thus the wealth a nation poſſeſſes muſt expatiate, or it is of no benefit to the public, it becomes rather a grievance, where matrimonial laws thus conſine it to a few.

But this reſtraint upon matrimonial community, even conſidered in a phyſical light, is injurious. As thoſe who rear up animals take all poſſible pains to croſs the ſtrain, in order to improve the breed; ſo in thoſe countries where marriage is moſt free, the inhabitants are found every age to improve in ſtature and in beauty; on the contrary, where it is confined to a caſt, a tribe, or an hord, as among the Gaurs, the Jews, or the Tartars, each diviſion ſoon aſſumes a family likeneſs, and every tribe degenerates into peculiar deformity. From hence it may be eaſily inferred, that if the Mandarines here are reſolved only to marry among each other, they will ſoon produce a poſterity with Mandarine Faces: and we ſhall ſee the heir of ſome honourable family ſcaree equal to the abortion of a country farmer.

Theſe are a few of the obſtacles to marriage here, and it is certain they have in ſome meaſure anſwered the end; for celebacy is both frequent and faſhionable. Old batchelors appear abroad without a maſk, and old maids, my dear Fum Hoam, have been abſolutely known to ogle. To confeſs in friendſhip, if I were an Engliſhman, I fancy I ſhould be an old batchelor myſelf; I ſhould never find courage to run through all the adventures preſcribed by the law. I could ſubmit to court my miſtreſs herſelf upon reaſonable terms, but to court her father, her mother, and a long tribe of couſins, aunts, and relations, and then ſtand the butt of a whole country church, I would as ſoon turn tail, and make love to her grandmother.

[261]I can conceive no other reaſon for thus loading matrimony with ſo many prohibitions, unleſs it be that the country was thought already too populous, and this was found to be the moſt effectual means of thinning it. If this was the motive. I cannot but congratulate the wiſe projectors on the ſucceſs of their ſcheme. Hail, O ye dim-ſighted politicians, ye weeders of men! 'Tis yours to clip the wing of induſtry, and convert hymen to a broker. 'Tis yours to behold ſmall objects with a microſcopic eye, but to be blind to thoſe which require an extent of viſion. 'Tis yours, O ye diſcerners of mankind, to lay the line between ſociety, and weaken that force by dividing, which ſhould bind with united vigour, 'Tis yours, to introduce national real diſtreſs, in order to avoid the imaginary diſtreſſes of a few. Your actions can be juſtified by an hundred reaſons like truth, they can be oppoſed but by few reaſons, and thoſe reaſons are true. Farewell.

THE RIGHTS OF MAN, BY QUESTION AND ANSWER.

‘I alſo will ſhew mine opinion. JOB xxxii. ver. 10.

Q. WHAT is Man?

A. An irrational, unſocial, cowardly, and covetous animal.

Q. How do you prove he is irrational?

A. His actions are as much influenced by preſent paſſions and intereſts as are the actions of other animals deemed irrational.

[262]Q. How is it that he is unſocial?

A. His ridiculous pride makes him imagine himſelf in an infinite variety of ways ſuperior to others of his ſpecies, and of courſe too noble for every company.

Q. Give ſome inſtances?

A. Some prefer themſelves for being born of parents in this or that ſtation, or in ſome particular country, or for being more tall, handſome, &c. and therefore refuſe to aſſociate with their ſuppoſed inferiors in theſe reſpects (excepting to ſerve ſome ſiniſter purpoſe), nor will they allow thoſe deſpiſed people equal privileges.

Q. How do you make it appear, that man is a cowardly animal?

A. Becauſe he hunts in packs like hounds, the moſt cowardly of all dogs. He ſeldom attacks ſingly either his own or any other ſpecies without manifeſt ſuperiority of ſituation or arms. When a company of them make a booty, they do not all boldly fall on to partake, each according to what his hunger or neceſſity requires, but ſneakingly keep at a diſtance, till the ſtrongeſt or moſt preſumptuous think proper to allow them to partake.

Q. Do the herds or companies of other animals behave in the ſame timid manner to certain individuals among them?

A. By no means; they are not half ſo complaiſant. A company of hounds or wolves will partake equally of their prey, or elſe they will fight for it, and wage eternal war till they gain their rights. A hungry beaſt will attempt again and again, whereas men have been frequently known to ſtarve rather than help themſelves to the common proviſions of nature monopolized by their arrogant fellow-creatures.

Q. Do we not frequently ſee a ſtriking difference in ſleekneſs and fatneſs among a herd of cattle feeding together in the ſame paſture, owing to the preſumption of ſome of them driving away the weaker animals from their victuals?

[263]A. No. None of them will ſubmit to ſuffer thus far by others. The moſt voracious and miſchievous will only fill his own belly. And while he is ſighting and driving off one, another will have the aſſurance to come in for a ſhare, and thus, either by force or ſtealth, they are ſure to partake pretty equally.

Q. Are not droves of hogs frequently ſeen paſſing through London of different appearance among themſelves; ſome being hardly able to walk with fat, while others are like greyhounds for thinneſs?

A. No, never. Swine living together are all alike, either all fat or all lean.

Q. Are mankind living in the ſame neighbourhood all of the ſame liking too?

A. No; very far from it. Some are like to hurſt with fat and ſaticty, while others appear like ſhadows, and frequently die of want, and diſeaſes flowing from ſcarcity, or unwholſome diet.

Q. Did not Edmund Burke then very improperly term his ſtarving fellow-creatures the Swiniſh Multitude?

A. Yes, he therein blundered moſt egregiouſly. For on very flight obſervation, he would find real Swine to be more noble animals, and far from being ſo obſequeous. They will not quietly ſuffer want on any account, much leſs by the encroachments of their fellow-creatures. If any great hog offer to thruſt them from the trough, they will ſcream moſt ſeditiouſly, and will, without regard to conſequence, inſiſt on having their noſes in, on one ſide or the other. Beſides, if men were like ſwine, how would they be drilled into ſoldiers? Could an army of hogs be diſciplined and marched againſt another army of hogs? No, they are not ſo fond of armour and trapping as to dance in them to their deſtruction. They leave ſuch ſtupid bravery to the rational being called Man. They do not underſtand ſlaying each other for maſters. They only know bravery in [264]perſiſting in what they think tends to their own happineſs, and that they will moſt obſtinately do. Mr. Burke muſt think of ſome other name for his filly brethren, for they will never have the ſenſe or ſpirit to defend their Rights and Intereſts like Swine. —Thus much for the cowardlineſs of mankind above other animals.

Q. Have men no other way of ſhewing their peculiar meanneſs, than by tamely giving up their Rights to the firſt uſurper?

A. Yes. By inſulting decrepid individuals or ſmall numbers of their own ſpecies, when they are in company with other malicious beings like themſelves. But this they never venture upon except emboldened by their numbers. No ſingle man could ever yet venture to be inſolent or witty upon another, without his own companions. As obſerved before, they are like hounds—they always hunt in packs.

Q. How does it appear that men are covetous animals?

A. Nay, they are ſo much ſo, that this paſſion ſeems to be the ſource of all their other bad qualities. Other animals only covet till their preſent appetite is ſatisfied, and then leave the world in peace to others. But man is inſatiable. He is like the grave, he never ſaith he hath enough.

Q. Does his covetouſneſs induce him to take things not abſolutely neceſſary to life, from his ſpecies by force?

A. Yes: for the ſake of mere ſuperfluities to hoard up, and which are of no manner of uſe but to look at, he will deſtroy his fellow creatures in numbers to the utmoſt of his power.

Q. He is a vicious, dangerous, and deteſtable animal. Does he ever compel others of the ſpecies to toil for him, in procuring him food and raiment, and thoſe ſuperfluous articles which he covets?

A. Does he, aye. He was not long in the world [265]till he reduced his fellows to ſlavery. He continues to do ſo ſtill, and while the world laſts he will continue ſuch injuſtice if the ſpecies do not acquire more ſpirit to reſiſt the uſurpations of each other. If there is not univerſal and individual ſpirit to reſiſt univerſal and individual preſumption and covetouſneſs, a great portion of men muſt always be in ſubjection to the aſſuming few. For mankind are not very likely to relinquiſh their injuſtice and avarice.

Q. What pity that they are not rational! For then might this univerſal injuſtice and covetouſneſs ſpur them on to invent ſome preventative againſt their common encroachments on the rights and properties of each other?

A. Certainly. A ſmall portion of reaſon might ſuffice for that purpoſe.

Q. What are the ſpecific rights of the animal called Man?

A. Though the ſpecies, by their inconſiſtent behaviour to each other, may raiſe doubts concerning their rationality, yet, by their ſuperior form of body, and inventive powers of mind, they ſeem qualified to turn all nature to their advantage, and may not improperly be termed the Lords of the Creation. And the Pſalmiſt (Pſal. viii. ver. 5.) ſays, God has made man but a little lower than the angels, and crowned him with glory and honour. Has made him to have dominion over the works of his hands, and has put all things under his feet: All ſheep and oxen, yea, and the beaſts of the field; the fowl of the air, and the fiſh of the ſea. Again, in Pſal. cxv. ver. 16, it is ſaid, The Heaven, even the Heavens are the Lord's: BUT THE EARTH HATH HE GIVEN TO THE CHILDREN OF MEN.

Q. If then the earth be given to the children of men, what pity it is that they cannot agree on ſome equitable mode of enjoying their common property, and be content to live and let live, like other creatures?

[266]A. Nothing ſeems more eaſy than to deviſe ſuch a mode, were men honeſt enough to be content with equality of rights and privileges.

Q. Whether ſuch a plan may or may not be adopted, it ought to be preſented to them, and then they will be left without excuſe?

A. There is no more requiſite to render mankind as happy as they can be on earth than ſimply this: That the people in every diſtrict or pariſh ſhould appoint collectors to receive the rents, and divide them equally among themſelves, or apply them to what public uſes they may think proper.

Q. Can any tyranny or abuſes flow from ſuch a principle?

A. No, none can exiſt where ſuch a principle is adhered to.

Q. Ought every one to pay rent to thoſe collectors?

A, Every one ſhould pay according to the full value of the premiſes which he occupied, whether farm, houſe, or apartment.

Q. How would the value of thoſe tenements be known?

A. By letting them by public auction to the beſt bidder.

Q. For how long a term would the public probably let their tenements?

A. For the life of the occupier, if he ſo long make good his payments, that he might enjoy the fruits of any improvements he might make during his reſidence.

Q. But what if an occupier or tenant ſhould not make good his payments?

A. Then the pariſh agents would let the premiſes by public auction to the beſt bidder, that the people might receive no damage.

Q. Who would build and repair the houſes, &c.?

A. The pariſh agents, who would have to ſtate the accounts of theſe and all other expences to the people, by whoſe orders alone they could act.

[267]Q. Would ſuch a people pay taxes as uſual for ſupport of the ſtate, or would they ſupply the ſtate immediately out of the pariſh rents?

A. That they might do as they choſe. If they wiſhed not to be ſhackled by revenue laws, or peſtered by exciſemen and informers, they would probably pay the ſtate a ſum of money as their quota at once, and have done with it.

Q. Would ſuch a people build bridges, make roads, or rather public works, with their money?

A. They might if they would.

LESSONS FOR PIG EATERS.

LESSON I.— From the General Epiſtle of James, Chap. ii. ver. 6.

DO not rich men oppreſs you, and draw you before the Judgment Seats?

LESSON 2.— From Ditto, chap. v. ver. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.

Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miſeries that ſhall come upon you. Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. Your gold and ſilver is cankered; and the ruſt of them ſhall be a witneſs againſt you, and ſhall eat your fleſh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treaſure together for the laſt days. Behold, the hire of the labourers who have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth: and the cries of them which have reaped are entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth. Ye have lived in pleaſure on the earth, and been wanton; ye have nouriſhed your hearts as in a day of ſlaughter. Ye have condemned and killed the juſt; and he doth not reſiſt you.

LESSON 3.— From Amos, chap. ii. ver. 6.

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Thus ſaith the Lord; for three tranſgreſſions of Iſrael, and for four, I will not turn away the puniſhment thereof; becauſe they ſold the righteous for ſilver, and the poor for a pair of ſhoes; that pant after the duſt of the earth on the head of the poor, and turn aſide the way of the meek.

LESSON 4.— From Iſaiah, chap. iii. ver. 12.

As for my people, children are the oppreſſors, and women rule over them. O my people, they which lead thee cauſe thee to err, and deſtroy the way of thy paths. The Lord ſtandeth up to plead, and he ſtandeth to judge the people. The Lord will enter into judgment with the Ancients of his people, and the Princes thereof: for ye have eaten up the vineyard: the ſpoil of the poor is in your houſes. What mean ye, that ye beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces of the poor? ſaith the Lord of Hoſts.

A Compariſon between the AFRICAN SLAVES in the WEST INDIES, and the CELTIC SLAVE, or SCALLAG, in ſome of the HEBRIDES.
From Travels in the Weſtern Hebrides, by the Rev. JOHN LANE BUCHANAN.
[Continued from page 125.]

1ſt. With regard to the reſpective conditions of their life in general, it is in neither caſe of their own chuſing. The African is bereft of his freedom, and ſold into ſlavery by fraud and violence. The Hebredian Slave is, indeed, neither trapanned into ſlavery by guile, nor compelled by phyſical compulſion; but he is drawn into it by a moral neceſſity equally invincible, [269]by a train of circumſtances which are beyond his power to controul, and which leave him no option, but either to ſerve ſome maſter as a Scallag, or to protract a miſerable exiſtence for ſome time in the foreſt, and near the uninhabited ſea ſhores, where he may pick up ſome ſhell fiſh, to periſh at laſt, with his wife, perhaps, and little ones, with cold and hunger.

2dly. With regard to labour. The Negro generally works only from ſix o'clock in the morning to ſix in the evening; and out of that time he has two complete hours for reſt and refreſhment. The Scallag is at work from four o'clock in the morning to eight, nine, and ſometimes ten at night.

3dly. With regard to reſpite from labour. The Negro is allowed two days in the week for himſelf— ſo is the Scallag: but the precepts of Religion allow the Scallag only one of theſe days to labour for his own maintenance.

4thly. With regard to food. The Negro has a plentiful allowance of ſuch common fare as is ſufficient for his ſupport; beſides his little ſpot of land which he cultivates for himſelf on Saturday and Sunday, as well as in the evenings, after he has finiſhed his maſter's work. The Scallag, when at hard labour for his maſter, is fed twice a day with water-gruel, or brochan, as it is called; or kail, or coleworts, with the addition of a barley cake or potatoes; and all this without ſalt. But, for his family, and for himſelf on Sundays, or when he is unable to work through bodily indiſpoſition, he has no other means of ſubſiſtence than what he can raiſe for himſelf, by the labour of one day out of ſeven, from a ſcanty portion of cold and mooriſh ſoil—barley, potatoes, coleworts, and perhaps a milch cow, or a couple of ewes, for giving milk to his infants; though if often happens, that he is obliged to kill theſe houſehold gods, as it were, to prevent his family from ſtarving. At certain ſeaſons he has fiſh in abundance, but this he [270]is, for the moſt part, obliged to eat without bread, and often without ſalt. The Negro, if he be tolerably induſtrious, can afford on Saturdays and other holidays, with pepper-pot, a pig, or a turkey, and a cann of grog; nay, Negroes have been known to clear, beſides many comforts for their own family, twenty, thirty, even forty pounds a year; ſo that there is a fair probability that a Negro may, be enabled to gain the price of his liberty. But, of relief from bondage and woe the Scallag has not a ſingle ray of hope, on this ſide the grave.

5thly. With regard to lodging and cloathing. The Negro is comfortably lodged, in a warm climate. The Scallag is very poorly cloathed, and ſtill more wretchedly lodged, in a cold one. And as the Negro is provided by his maſter with bedding and body clothes, ſo he is alſo furniſhed by him with the implements of huſbandry. The Scallag, with ſticks and ſods, rears his own miſerable hut, procures for himſelf a few rags, either by what little flax or wool he can raiſe, or by the refuſe or coarſer part of theſe furniſhed by his maſter, and provides his own working tools, as the ſpade, &c.

6thly. With regard to uſage or treatment. The Slave is driven on to labour by ſtripes: ſo alſo is the Scallag; who is ever, on ſome occaſions, formally tied up, as well as the Negro, to a ſtake, and ſcourged on the bare back. The owner of the Slave, it may be farther obſerved, has a ſtrong intereſt in his welfare; for if he ſhould become ſick or infirm, the maſter muſt maintain him; or if he ſhould die, the maſter muſt ſupply his place at a conſiderable expence. There is no ſuch reſtraint on the peeviſh humours or angry paſſions of a Hebredian laird or tackſman. The Scallag, under infirmity, diſeaſe, and old age, is ſet adrift on the wide world, and begs his bread from door to door, and from iſland to iſland. Nor is it neceſſary in order to ſupply the place of a Scallag, to be at any expence: for the frequent failure of [271]ſettlments affords but too many recruits to the wretched otder of Scallags.

7thly. As there is nothing ſo natural as the love of liberty, and an averſion to reſtraint and oppreſſion, the Scallag, as well as the Negro, ſometimes attempts emancipation, by fleeing to the uninhabited parts of the country: though ſuch attemps are not ſo often made by the Scallags after they are enured to ſlavery, as when they feel themſelves on the verge of ſinking into that dreadful and deſerted condition of exiſtence.

The only aſylum for the diſtreſſed in the Long Iſland is the King's Foreſt; where ſeveral are ſheltered with their families and cattle for the ſummer ſeaſon; where they live in caves and dens of the earth; and ſubſiſt, without fire, on milk, the roots of the earth, and ſhell fiſh. But in the winter ſeaſon, cold and famine drive them back again to ſeek for ſubſiſtence and ſhelter under the ſame tyranny that had driven them to the foreſt. The Blue or other mountains afford the means of life to runaway-negroes (if they can eſcape the ſearch of their maſters), both ſummer and winter.

In the Weſt Indies, no planter or captain of a veſſel is allowed by the law of the Colonies, to kidnap, conceal, or keep any runaway ſlave, or by any means to detain him from his maſter. Here alſo the compariſon holds between the Slave and the Scallag. There is not a takcſman who will take or retain in his ſervice, or on his land, either the Scallag or ſubtenant of another maſter, without a written certificate from that maſter, that the Scallag or ſubtenant has a good character; and alſo, if he be otherwiſe ſatisfied as to the character of the poor man, that his maſter is willing to part with him. For as the Coloniſts by their laws, ſo the Tackſmen of the Hebrides, by their country regulations, have entered into a firm compact, that no one ſhall harbour the ſubtenant or Scallag of another, who does not produce a proof [272]of his humble and unlimited obedience to his former maſter. And it is evident from reaſon, were it not proved by experience, that certificates are moſt withheld when they are moſt wanted. For no landlord who is known to be cruel to his people will ever give them certificates, becauſe in that caſe they would all leave the tyrant, and ſeek for milder treatment under ſome leſs ſevere maſter.

GENERAL POLITICAL APHORISMS, OR MAXIMS.
From HARRINGTON'S WORKS.

THE errors and ſufferings of the people are from their governors.

The people cannot ſee but they can feel.

Where the ſecurity is no more than perſonal, there may be a good monarch, but can be no good commonwealth.

Where the ſecurity is in the perſons, the government makes good men evil: where the ſecurity is in form, the government makes evil men good.

Aſſemblies legitimately elected by the people, are that only party which can govern without an army.

Not the party which cannot govern without an army, but the party which can govern without an army, is the refined party, as to this intent and purpoſe truly refined; that is, by popular election, according to the precept of Moſes, and the rule of Scripture: take ye wiſe men, and underſtanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you.

The people are deceived by names, but not by things.

Where there is a well ordered commonwealth the people are generally ſatisfied.

[273]Where the people are generally diſſatisfied, there is no common-wealth.

Where civil liberty is entire, it includes liberty of conſcience.

Where liberty of conſcience is entire it includes civil liberty.

Either liberty of conſcience can have no ſecurity at all, or under popular government it muſt have the greateſt ſecurity.

To hold that a government may be introduced by a little at once, is to wave prudence, and commit things to chance.

Government is of human prudence, and human prudence is adequate to man's nature.

Where the government is not adequate to man's nature, it can never be quiet or perfect.

A King governing now in England by an army, would for the ſame cauſes find the ſame effects with the late protector.

A king governing now in England by parliaments, would find the nobility of no effect at all.

A parliament, where the nobility is of no effect at all, is a mere popular council.

A mere popular council will never receive law from a king.

A mere popular council giving law to a king, becomes thereby a democracy, or equal commonwealth; or the difference is no greater than the imperfection of the form.

A commonwealth or democracy to be perfect in the form, muſt conſiſt eſpecially of ſuch an aſſembly, the reſult whereof can go upon no intereſt whatſoever, but that only which is the common intereſt of the whole people.

An aſſembly conſiſting of a few, may go upon the intereſt of one man, as a king, or upon the intereſt of one party, as that of divines, lawyers, and the like; or the intereſt of themſelves, and the perpetuation of their government.

[274]The popular aſſembly in a commonwealth may conſiſt of too few, but can never conſiſt of too many.

To make principles or fundamentals, belongs not to men, to nations, nor to human laws.

To build upon ſuch principles or fundamentals as are apparently laid by God in the inevitable neceſſity or law of nature, is that which truly appertains to men, to nations, and to human laws. To make any other fundamentals, and then build upon them, is to build caſtles in the air.

Whatever is violent, is not ſecure not durable; whatever is ſecure or durable is natural.

Government in the whole people, though the major part were diſaffected, muſt be ſecure or durable, becauſe it waves force, to found itſelf upon nature.

Government in a party, though all of theſe were well affected, muſt be inſecure and tranſitory, becauſe it waves nature, to found itſelf upon force.

Commonwealths, of all other governments, are more eſpecially for the preſervation, not for the deſtruction, of mankind.

THE BANEFUL INFLUENCE OF DEPENDENCE ON THE MIND.
From The Citizen of the World, by Dr. Goldſmith.

AMONG many who have enforced the duty of Giving, I am ſurprized there are none to inculcate the ignominy of Receiving, to ſhew that by every favour we accept, we in ſome meaſure forfeit our native freedom, and that in a ſtate of continual dependence on the generoſity of others in a life of gradual debaſement.

Were men taught to deſpiſe the receiving obligations with the ſame force of reaſoning and declamation that they are inſtructed to confer them, we might [275]then ſee every perſon in ſociety filling up the requiſite duties of his ſituation with chearful induſtry, neither relaxed by hope, nor ſullen from diſappointment.

Every favour a man receives, in ſome meaſure, ſinks him below his dignity, and in proportion to the value of the benefit, or the frequency of its acceptance, he gives up ſo much of his natural independence. He, therefore, who thrives upon the unmerited bounty of another, if he has any ſenſibility, ſuffers the worſt of ſervitude; the ſhackled ſlave may murmur with out reproach, but the humble dependent is taxed with ingratitude upon every ſymptom of diſcontent; the one may rave round the walls of his cell, but the other lingers in all the ſilence of mental confinement. To encreaſe his diſtreſs, every new obligation but adds to the former load which kept the vigorous mind from riſing; till at laſt, elaſtic no longer, it ſhapes itſelf to conſtraint, and puts on habitual ſervility.

It is thus with the feeling mind, but there are ſome who, born without any ſhare of ſenſibility, receive favour after favour, and ſtill cringe for more, who accept the offer of generoſity with as little reluctance as the wages of merit, and even make thanks for paſt benefits an indirect petition for new; ſuch, I grant, can ſuffer no debaſement from dependence, ſince they were originally as vile as was poſſible to be; dependence degrades only the ingenuous, but leaves the ſordid mind in priſtine meanneſs. In this manner, therefore, long continued generoſity is miſplaced, or it is injurious; it either finds a man worthleſs, or it makes him ſo; and true it is, that the perſon who is contented to be often obliged, ought not to have been obliged at all.

It is perhaps one of the ſevereſt misfortunes of the great, that they are in general, obliged to live among men whoſe real value is leſſened by dependence, and whoſe minds are enſlaved by obligation. The humble [276]companion may have at firſt accepted patronage with generous views, but ſoon he feels the mortifying influence of conſcious inferiority, by degrees he ſinks into a flatterer, and from flartery at laſt degenerates into STUPID VENERATION. To remedy this, the great often diſmiſs their old dependents, and take new. Such changes are falſely imputed to levity, falſehood, or caprice, in the patron, ſince they may be more juſtly aſcribed to the client's gradual deterioration, No, my ſon, a life of independence is generally a life of virtue. It is that which fits the ſoul for every flight of humanity, freedom, and friendſhip. To give ſhould be our pleaſure, but to receive our ſhame; ſerenity, health and affluence attend the deſire of riſing by labour; miſery, repentance, and diſreſpect, that of ſucceeding by extorted benevolence; the man who can thank himſelf alone for the happineſs he enjoys, is truely ſo; and lovely, far more lovely the ſturdy gloom of laborious indigence, than the fawning ſimper of thriving adulation.

ON DOING GOOD TO OUR COUNTRY.
From SWIFT'S SERMONS.

TEXT—Gal. vi. ver. 10.‘As we have therefore opportunity, les us do good unto all men.’

BUT, beſide this love we owe to every man in his particular capacity under the title of neighbour, there is a duty of a more large and extenſive nature incumbent on us; which is, our love to our neighbour in his public capacity, as he is a member of that great body the commonwealth; and this is uſually called love of the public, and is a duty to which we are more ſtrictly obliged than even that of loving even ourſelves; becauſe therein ourſelves are [277]alſo contained, as well as all our neighbours, in one great body. This love of the public or of the commonwealth, or love of our country, was in ancient times properly known by the name of virtue, becauſe it was the greateſt of all virtues, and was ſuppoſed to contain all virtues in it: and many great examples of this virtue are left us on record, ſcarcely to be believed, or even conceived, in ſuch a baſe, corrupted, wicked age as this we live in. In thoſe times it was common for men to ſacrifice their lives for the good of their country, although they had neither hope or belief of future rewards; whereas, in our days, very few make the leaſt ſcruple of ſacrificing a whole nation, as well as their own ſouls, for a little preſent gain, which often hath been known to end in their own ruin in this world, as it certainly muſt in that to come.

Have we not ſeen men, for the ſake of ſome petty employment, give up the very natural rights and liberties of their country, and of mankind, in the ruin of which themſelves muſt at laſt be involved? are not theſe corruptions gotten among the meaneſt of our people, who, for a price of money, will give their votes at a venture, for the diſpoſal of their own lives and fortunes, without conſidering whether it be to thoſe who are moſt likely betray or to defend them?

But, if I were to produce only one inſtance of a hundred wherein we fail in this duty of loving our country, it would be an endleſs labour; and therefore I ſhall not attempt it.

But here I would not be miſunderſtood: but the love of our country, I do not mean Loyalty to our King, for that is a duty of another nature; and a man may be very loyal, in the common ſenſe of the word, without one grain of public good at his heart. Witneſs this very kingdom we live in. I verily believe, that, ſince the beginning of the world, no nation upon earth ever ſhewed (all circumſtances conſidered) ſuch high conſtant marks of loyalty in all [278]their actions and behaviour, as we have done: and, at the ſame time, no people ever appeared more utterly void of what is called a public ſpirit. When I ſay the people, I mean the bulk or maſs of the people, for I have nothing to do with thoſe in power.

Therefore I ſhall think my time not ill ſpent, if I can perſuade moſt or all of you who hear me, to ſhew the love you have for your country, by endeavouring, in your ſeveral ſtations, to do all the public good you are able. For I am certainly perſuaded, that all our misfortunes ariſe from no other original cauſe than that general diſregard among us to the public welfare.

I therefore undertake to ſhew you three things.

Firſt, That there are few people ſo weak or mean, who have it not ſometimes in their power to be uſeful to the public.

Secondly, That it is often in the power of the meaneſt among mankind to do miſchief to the public.

And, laſtly, That all wilful injuries done to the public are very great and aggravated ſins in the ſight of God.

Firſt, then, there are few people ſo weak or mean, who have it not ſometimes in their power to be uſeful to the public.

Solomon tells us of a poor wiſe man who ſaved a city by his counſel. It hath often happened that a private ſoldier, by ſome unexpected brave attempt, hath been inſtrumental in obtaining a great victory. How many obſcure men have been authors of very uſeful inventions, whereof the world now reaps the benefit? The very example of honeſty and induſtry in a poor tradeſman will ſometimes ſpread through a neighbourhood, when others ſee how ſucceſsful he is, and thus ſo many uſeful members are gained, for which the whole body of the public is the better. Whoever is bleſſed whith a true public ſpirit, God will certainly put it into his way to make uſe of that [279]bleſſing, for the end it was given him, by ſome mean or other: and therefore it hath been obſerved in moſt ages, that the greateſt actions for the benefit of the commonwealth, have been performed by the wiſdom or courage, the contrivance or induſtry, of particular men, and not of numbers; and that the ſafety of a nation hath often been owing to thoſe hands from whence it was leaſt expected.

THE YEAR NINETY-THREE. A SONG.

COME hither good people, come hither and hear,
The dainty fine deeds of this marvellous year,
For ever and ever each Briton ſo free,
In triumph ſhall carol the year Ninety-Three.
Derry down.
We all call to mind not a twelvemonth ago,
Our trade was increaſing, our riches did flow;
Each heart was then light, fill'd with mirth and with glee,
We had not yet come to the year Ninety-Three.
Derry down.
The devil ill bearing to ſee us ſo gay,
To tame our proud ſpirits, ſoon found out a way;
In his friend Billy's ear he was ever a flea,
Crying "war Billy war," then behold Ninety-Three.
Derry down.
Each day and each hour a merchant then ſtops,
Only ſhutters are ſeen, they all ſhut up their ſhops,
Whole families ruined! 'twas piteous to ſee—
Oh what a fine year was the year Ninety-Three!!!
Derry down.
Trade's now at an end, there's no work to be found,
Brave Britons are dying with hunger around.
[280]Or at famine's approach to the Continent flee,
And York lets their blood—that's the year Ninety-Three.
Derry down.
By ſea and by land, nought but ſhame and defeat,
('Tis the judgment of heaven) our arms ever meet.
The like Britain never, no never, did ſee!
Oh ſhame of all ſhames, is the year Ninety-Three.
Derry down.
In ancient good times 'twas the Briton's proud boaſt,
To be loyal, yet free, King and Country his toaſt,
To praiſe or to cenſure then boldly dar'd he—
'Twas in ancient good times—not in year Ninety-Three.
Derry down.
Now pillory, whipping poſt, Britiſh baſtille,
The loſs of old times makes each Engliſhman feel:
No ſpirit, no thought, now dare circulate free,
For Pitt, Kenyon, Dundas, in curſt Ninety-Three.
Derry down.

THE PROGRESS OF LIBERTY.

Tune—"Britannia rule the Waves."
HARK! hark! on yonder diſtant ſhore,
The noiſy din of war I hear;
The ſword's unſheath'd—the cannons roar,
And Gallia's ſons in arms appear,
'Tis France, 'tis France, the people cry,
Fighting for ſacred Liberty.
Though num'rous armies her invade;
Of warlike ſlaves a barb'rous hoſt;
Of Deſpots crown'd, a grand cruſade,
To cruſh her Liberty they boaſt.
[281]But France like Britain will be free,
Or bravely die for Liberty.
No more the grinding hand of Power,
The op'ning bud of Reaſon blights;
On eagle's wings fair Truth ſhall tower,
For Man begins to know his Rights.
The iron yoke we crumbling ſee,
Beneath the Cap of Liberty.
Go on, great ſouls, no dangers fear,
Your glorious Standard high erect;
Then Freemen to it will repair,
And Providence your cauſe protect.
Go, plant on diſtant ſhores the Tree,
Sacred to god-like Liberty.
No dreams of conqueſt you inſpire,
Great Nature's Cauſe depends on thee;
Europe will catch the ſacred fire,
And bid adieu to Slavery.
Then raiſe your warlike banners high,
And rally under Liberty.
No longer war, of Kings the ſpoil,
Uſurping nations ſhall divide;
Nor ſtain with blood each fruitful ſoil,
By Nature form'd to be allied.
But Britons hope the world to ſee
Unite in Peace and Liberty.

A DESCRIPTION OF GOVERNMENT, AS REALLY OR FICTITIOUSLY FREE.

I Have obſerved; that though, in a great ſtate, all the individuals that compoſe it cannot be admitted to an immediate participation in the powers of legiſlation [282]and government, yet they may participate in theſe powers by a delegation of them to a body of repreſentatives.—In this caſe it is evident that the ſtate will be ſtill free or ſelf-governed; and that it will be more or leſs ſo in proportion as it is more or leſs fairly and adequately repreſented. If the perſons to whom the truſt of government is committed, hold their places for ſhort terms; if they are choſen by the unbiaſſed voices of a majority of the ſtate, and ſubject to their inſtructions; Liberty will be enjoyed in its higheſt degree. But if they are choſen for long terms by a part only of the ſtate; and if during that term they are ſubject to no controul from their constituents; the very idea of liberty will be loſt, and the power of chuſing repreſentatives becomes nothing but a power, lodged in a few, to chuſe at certain periods, a body of maſters for themſelves and for the reſt of the community. And if a ſtate is ſo ſunk that the majority of its repreſentatives are elected by a handful of the meaneſt perſons in it, whoſe voices are always paid for; and if alſo, there is a higher will on which even theſe mock repreſentatives themſelves depend, and that directs their voices: in theſe circumſtances, it will be an abuſe of language to ſay that the ſtate poſſeſſes liberty. Private men, indeed, might be allowed the exerciſe of liberty; as they might alſo under the moſt deſpotic government; but it would be an indulgence or connivance derived from the ſpirit of the times, or from an accidental mildneſs in the adminiſtration. And, rather than be governed in ſuch a manner, it would perhaps be better to be governed by the will of one man without any repreſentation: for a repreſentation ſo degenerated could anſwer no other end than to miſlead and deceive, by diſguiſing ſlavery, and keeping up a form of liberty when the reality was loſt.

THE ADVANTAGES ACCRUING TO MANKIND FROM A HABITUAL CONSCIOUSNESS OF THEIR BEING EQUAL.
From Barlow's Advice to Privileged Orders.

[283]

IN the United States of America, the Science of Liberty is univerſally underſtood, felt, and practiſed, as much by the ſimple as the wiſe, the weak as the ſtrong. The deep-rooted and inveterate habit of thinking, that all men are equal in their Rights, that it is impoſſible to make them otherwiſe; and this being their undiſturbed belief, they have no conception how any man in his ſenſes can entertain any other. This point once ſettled, every thing is ſettled. Many operations, which in Europe have been conſidered as incredible tales or dangerous experiments, are but the infallible conſequences of this great principle. The firſt of theſe operations is the Buſineſs of Election, which, with that people is carried on with as much gravity as their daily labour. There is no jealouſy on the occaſion, nothing lucrative in office; any man in ſociety may attain to any place in the government, and may exerciſe its functions. They believe that there is nothing more difficult in the management of the affairs of a nation than the affairs of a family; that it only requires more hands. They believe that it is the juggle of keeping up impoſitions to blind the eyes of the vulgar, that conſtitutes the intricacy of ſtate. Baniſh the myſticiſm of inequality, and you baniſh almoſt all the evils attendant on human nature.

Another conſequence of the habitual idea of Equality, is the facility of changing the ſtructure of their Government whenever and as often as the Society ſhall think there is any thing in it to amend. As [284]Mr. Burke has written no "Reflections on the Revolution" in America, the people there have never been told that they had no right "to frame a government for themſelves;" they have therefore done much of this buſineſs, without ever affixing to it the idea of "Sacrilege," or "Uſurpation," or any other term of rant to be found in that Gentleman's Vocabulary.

Within a few years, the Fifteen States have not only framed each its own State-Conſtitution, and Two ſucceſſive Federal Conſtitutions; but ſince the ſettlement of the preſent general Government in the year 1789, three of the States, Pennſylvania, South-Carolina, and Georgia, have totally new-modeled their own. And all this is done without the leaſt confuſion; the operation being ſcarcely known beyond the limits of the State where it is performed. Thus they are in the habit of "chooſing their own Governors," of "caſhiering them for miſconduct," of "framing a Government for themſelves," and all thoſe abominable things, the mere naming of which, in Mr. Burke's opinion, has polluted the pulpit in the Old Jewry.*⁎*

Appendix A CONTENTS Of VOLUME FIRST.

[]
  • The Fable of the Bee and the Spider — Page 2
  • On Freedom of Speech Cato's Letters Page 3
  • On Falſe Witneſs Swift. Page 7
  • On the Execution of Louis Capet Frend. Page 11
  • On Political Superſtition Barlow. Page 13
  • The Effects of War on the Poor Frend. Page 14
  • A Prognoſtic of the French Revolution Cheſterfield. Page 16
  • A Leſſon for Antigallicans Page 17
  • On the Excellency of a Free Government, and its Tendency to exalt the Nature of Man Dr. Price. Page 31
  • A Lamentation for the Oppreſſed Goldſmith. Page 33
  • On the Reſponſibility of Kings. Candid Philoſopher. Page 36
  • Roman Patriotiſm founded on Injuſtice, and the Ruin of Mankind Ditto. Page 38
  • A Deſcription of England Lord Lyttleton. Page 38
  • A Leſſon for Gentlemen Volunteers Ditto. Page 40
  • A Leſſon for All Men. Locke. Page 41
  • A Song to be ſung at the Commencement of the Milenium. From Spence's Rights of Man in Proſe, price 4d. Page 42
  • All Monarchies naturally tend to Deſpotiſm Cheſterfield. Page 44
  • A Modeſt Plea for an Equal Commonwealth Page 44
  • Every Man is born with an impreſcriptible Claim to a Portion of the Elements Barlow. Page 59
  • The glorious proſpect of better Times, which are faſt approaching Critic Philoſopher. Page 63
  • The Advantages of Freedom of Speech Candid Philoſopher. Page 66
  • The Marſeilles March, or Hymn Page 67
  • Extract from Les Ruines, by M. de Volney. Page 69
  • Of the Miniſtry or Clergy Page 74
  • []The Deſire of Glory naturally generated in Republics Lord Lyttleton. Page 78
  • Examination of James Harrington in the Tower, concerning his Oceana. Page 79
  • A Song on the French Revolution Page 81
  • Extract from Harrington's Works Page 83
  • The free Notions of the Engliſh Lord Lyttleton. Page 85
  • An unpleaſant Leſſon for the Pigs' Betters Swift. Page 86
  • Leſſons for Monopolizers of Land Page 88
  • On Equality Puffendorf. Page 89
  • On the Abſurdity of unalterable Eſtabliſhments Prieſtly Page 92
  • General Political Aphoriſms, or Maxims Harrington. Page 96
  • A Song to be ſung an Hundred Years hence Page 98
  • A Leſſon for Venal Parliaments Cromwell. Page 100
  • Leſſons for Stateſmen, viz.
    • 1. From the Encyclopedia Britannica Page 101
    • 2. From the Same Page 102
    • 3. From Lady Montague's Letters Page 103
  • The Government of Geneva D'Alembert. Page 105
  • Speeches of Charles Turner, Eſq. Page 108
  • The Inhabitants of Hell Rights of the Devil. Page 110
  • Ignorance the Foundation of unequal Governments, and foſtered by them deſignedly Barlow. Page 112
  • On the Injuſtice of taking Fees from Perſons acquitted in Courts of Juſtice Page 114
  • Whether the Balance of Dominion in Land be the natural Cauſe of Empire? Harrington. Page 114
  • * Abridgement of the Roman Hiſtory Page 118
  • On the ſhameful Oppreſſion of the Highlanders in the Weſtern Iſlands of Scotland Page 122
  • A Government of Citizens is invulnerable Harrington. Page 125
  • A Deſcription of Prince Lucifer's Subjects Rights of the Devil. Page 128
  • Candide, a Soldier Voltaire. Page 132
  • On the Progreſs of Liberty in France Candid Philoſopher. Page 134
  • []On a Life of Labour Candid Philoſopher. Page 136
  • The perſonal Virtues of a Monarch are unable to ſecure him from Contempt, if he will be blindfolded by wicked Miniſters Page 137
  • Modern Motives for War Barlow. ibid.
  • On the Government of Hell Rights of the Devil. Page 138
  • The impoſſibility of commencing Tyrant over an armed Nation convinced of the univerſal Equality of Mankind Barlow. Page 142
  • On the pompous Titles given to the Dignified Clergy Candid Philoſopher. Page 143
  • Defects in the Engliſh Conſtitution, as to Repreſentation Dyer. Page 145
  • An Apology for Younger Brothers Page 152
  • A Seditious Hand-Bill circulated at Norwich, and Re-publiſhed by Authority in the Norfolk Chronicle Page 163
  • Five Thouſand Pounds offered, in the Morning Chronicle, for a Place of Amuſement under Government!!! Page 164
  • National Faſting generally inſidious and impious Rev. I. Murray, Page 165
  • † On the Liberty of the Preſs. By Erſkine, in his Speech on the Trial of Thomas Paine Page 168
  • ‡ The New Conſtitution of France Page 176
  • Engliſh Injuſtice to the French. A Poem Page 180
  • * Roman Hiſtory (continued) Page 182
  • † Erſkine's Speech (continued) Page 189
  • Church Livings to be Sold by Auction!!! Page 193
  • The Diſtreſſes of the Poor, exemplified in the Life of a Private Soldier Goldſmith. Page 194
  • § On Kings. From Godwin's Enquiry concerning Political Iuſtice. Page 200
  • On the Rebellion of Princes Murray. Page 201
  • On the National Sin of ſuffering Bad Government Page 204
  • On Civil Liberty, and the Principles of Government Dr. Price. Page 205
  • ‡ The New Conſtitution of France (continued) Page 207
  • Popular Aſſemblies underſtand only their own Intereſt Harrington's Oceana. Page 212
  • []On Religion Marning Chronicle. Page 214
  • § On Kings (continued) Godwin. Page 219
  • Kings are Great Bleſſings. A Poem Page 221
  • On the Horrors of War Dr. Iohnſon Page 222
  • † Liberty of the Preſs (continued) Page 223
  • Patriotic Speech of Sir George Saville Page 226
  • On the Authority of one Country over another Dr. Price. Page 228
  • A Leſſon for daring Publiſhers Page 229
  • The Derby Addreſs Page 230
  • Ode to Human Kind Page 235
  • Orders of the Duke of York Page 238
  • Curious Letter to the Convention Page 238
  • A Panegyric! Cato's Letters. Page 239
  • ‡ The New Conſtitution of France (concluded) Page 240
  • Cautions againſt the Natural Encroachments of Power Cato's Letters. Page 246
  • Definition of Loyalty Toplady. Page 249
  • Meaning of the Word Penſion, &c. Dr. Iohnſon. ibid.
  • Burke's Addreſs to the Swiniſh Multitude. A Song Page 250
  • * Concluſion of the Roman Hiſtory Page 252
  • The Marriage Act cenſured Goldſmith. Page 257
  • The Rights of Man, by Queſtion and Anſwer Page 261
  • Leſſons for Pig Eaters Page 267
  • A Compariſon between the African Slaves in the Weſt Indies, and the Celtic Slave, or Scallag, in ſome of the Hebrides Page 268
  • General Political Aphoriſms, or Maxims Harrington. Page 272
  • The baneful Influence of Dependence on the Mind Goldſmith. Page 274
  • On doing Good to our Country Swift Page 276
  • The Year Ninety-Three. A Song Page 279
  • The Progreſs of Liberty. A Song Page 280
  • A Deſcription of Government, as really or fictitiouſly free Dr. Price. Page 281
  • The Advantages accruing to Mankind from a habitual Conſciouſneſs of their being equal Barlow. Page 283
END OF VOL. 1.
Notes
Mat. xxvi. 6.
Acts vi, 13
Exod, xx. 16. Thou ſhalt not bear falſe witneſs againſt thy neighbour.
*
See Leviticus, Chap. 25.
Though the inhabitants in every diſtrict or pariſh in the world have an undoubted right to divide the WHOLE of the rents equally among them, and ſuffer the ſtate and all public affairs to be ſupported by taxes as uſual; yet from the numerous evils and reſtraints attending revenue laws, and the number of collectors, informers, &c. appendant on the fame, it is ſuppoſed, they would rather prefer, That after the whole amount of the rents are collected in a pariſh from every perſon, according to the full value of the premiſes which they occupy, ſo much per pound, according to act of parliament, ſhould be ſet apart for ſupport of the ſtate inſtead of all taxes; that another ſum ſhould next be deducted for ſupport of the pariſh eſtabliſhment, inſtead of tolls, tythes, rates, ceſſes, &c. and that after theſe important matters were provided for, the remainder of the money ſhould be equally divided among all the ſettled inhabitants, whether poor or rich.
Iſaiah, Chap. 14.
By Tackſmen are meant farmers, to whom extenſive tracts of lands are let, and who let them out in ſmall parcels to the poor people, over whom they exerciſe the moſt cruel tyranny and oppreſſion As ſew of the proprietors reſides themſelves on the iſlands, theſe [...]ackſ [...]en, who are generally relations of the LAIRDS, may [...]e conſidered the higheſt claſs of the people.
8
Note.—At the end of the Second Part will be given a Table of Contents to the Volume.
*⁎*
The remaining Part of the Work will be publiſhed as the former, neemely, in Weekly Penny Numbers.
*
Tragedy of Jane Shore, Act III.
Telemaque, Liv. XIII.
*⁎*
The SECOND VOLUME will be Publiſhed as the FIRST, namely, in PENNY NUMBERS Weekly.
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TextGrid Repository (2016). TEI. 3398 Pigs meat or lessons for the swinish multitude Published in weekly penny numbers collected by the poor man s advocate an old veteran in the cause of freedom in the course of his reading for mor. University of Oxford Text Archive. University of Oxford, License: Distributed by the University of Oxford under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License [http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/]. https://hdl.handle.net/11378/0000-0005-D16F-3